THE 

GREAT  FRENCHMAN  AND 
THE  LITTLE  GENEVESE 


MIRABEAU 


GREAT  FRENCHMAN  AND 


THE   I  IT  iLE  GENEVESE 


TRANSLATED  FROM  ETIENNE  DUMONT'S 
"SOUVENIR  SUR  MIRABEAU  " 

BY 

LADY  SEYMOUR 


"  The  greatest  star  is  that  at  the  little  end  of  the 
telescope — the  star  that  is  looking;  not  looked  after, 
nor  looked  at." 


NEW  YORK:  G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

LONDON:  DUCKWORTH  AND  CO. 

1904 


All  rights  reserved. 


CHISWICK  PRESS:  CHARLES  WHITTINGHAM  AND  co. 

TOOKS  COURT,   CHANCERY   LANE,   LONDON. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

PREFACE ix 

I.  FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT         .  i 
II.  ELECTIONS  OF  DEPUTIES,  AND  OPENING  OF  THE 

STATES  GENERAL 17 

III.  MlRABEAU'S   POSITION   IN  THE  ASSEMBLY.    THE 

ABB£  SIEVES 26 

IV.  THE  ROYAL  SESSION 40 

V.  THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 57 

VI.  THE  COURIER  DE  PROVENCE          ....  69 
VII.  UNION  OF  THE  THREE  ORDERS.   THE  RIGHTS  OF 

MAN         ........  76 

VIII.  THE  "VETO" 88 

IX.  THE    VERSAILLES    BANQUET.     MIRABEAU    AND 

EGALIT£ 98 

X.  QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE no 

XI.  MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 120 

XII.  LIFE  IN  THE  CHAUSEE  D'ANTIN     ....  133 

XIII.  MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 142 

XIV.  PERSONAL  TRAITS 158 

XV.  FURTHER  ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS  OF  MIRABEAU  175 

XVI.  THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 187 

XVII.  CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION         ....  203 

v 


2081136 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVIII.  IN  LONDON:  POTION,  BRISSOT,  AND  TALLEYRAND       210 
XIX.  THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES       .        .219 
XX.  MONSIEUR  AND  MADAME  ROLAND         .        .        -233 
XXI.  THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA.  TALLEYRAND'S  MISSION 

TO  ENGLAND 243 

APPENDIX     ........     259 


vi 


ETIENNE   DUMONT 


LIST  OF  PORTRAITS 

TO  FACE 
PAGE 

MIRABEAU Frontispiece 

ETIENNE  DUMONT     . vii 

Louis  PHILIPPE,  Due  D'ORLEANS 98 

CLAVIERE 133 

PRINCE  TALLEYRAND         ....                 .         .  210 

BRISSOT 219 

MADAME  ROLAND 233 

GENERAL  DUMOURIEZ 243 


vii 


PREFACE 

TIENNE  Dumont's  "Souvenir  sur  Mira- 
beau"  was  published  in  1832,  and  though 
the  book  excited  great  attention  at  the 
time,  and  has  been  freely  quoted  by  all 
writers  on  the  French  Revolution,  more 
especially  by  Carlyle,  it  has  never,  as  far  as  I  know,  been 
translated  into  English  before.  Carlyle  has  picked  out 
many  of  the  most  interesting  anecdotes  and  has  reproduced 
them  in  his  history  and  also  in  his  essay  on  Mirabeau,1 
but  his  attitude  towards  Dumont  himself  is  far  from 
sympathetic,  and  it  is  interesting  to  compare  his  idea  of 
Dumont's  character  with  that  of  Macaulay  as  shown  in  his 
article  in  the"  Edinburgh  Review"  for  July,  1832.  Carlyle 
says,  "  Dumont  is  faithful,  veridical ;  within  his  own  limits 
he  has  even  a  certain  amount  of  picturesqueness  and  light 
clearness.  It  is  true,  the  whim  he  had  of  looking  at  the 
great  Mirabeau  as  a  thing  set  in  motion  mainly  by  him 
(M.  Dumont),  and  such  as  he,  was  one  of  the  most  wonder- 
ful to  be  met  with  in  psychology,  nay  more  still,  how  the 
Reviewers,  pretty  generally  some  from  whom  much  better 
1  Miscellanies, 
ix 


PREFACE 

was  expected,  took  up  the  same  with  aggravations,  and  it 
became  on  all  sides,  that  here  again  a  great  pretender  had 
been  stripped,  .  .  .  that  in  fact  this  enormous  Mirabeau, 
the  sound  of  whom  went  forth  to  all  lands,  was  no  other 
than  an  enormous  trumpet  or  coach  horn,  of  japanned  tin, 
through  which  the  dexterous  little  M.  Dumont  was  blowing 
all  the  time  and  making  the  noise !  .  .  . 

"  The  good  Dumont  accurately  records  what  ingenious 
journey  work  and  fetching  and  carrying  he  did  for  his 
Mirabeau,  interspersing  many  an  anecdote  which  the  world 
is  very  glad  of,  extenuating  nothing  we  do  hope  nor 
exaggerating  anything ;  this  is  what  he  did  and  had  a 
clear  right  to  do.  And  what  if  it  failed,  not  altogether,  yet 
in  some  measure  if  it  did  fail  to  strike  him  that  he  still 
was  but  a  'Dumont' — nay, that  the  gift  this  Mirabeau  had  of 
enlisting  such  respectable  Dumonts  to  do  hod  work  and 
even  skilful  handiwork  for  him  was  precisely  the  Kinghood 
of  the  Man  and  did  itself  stamp  him  as  a  leader  of  men!  .  .  . 
His  error  is  of  oversight  and  venial,  his  worth  too  is  in- 
disputable." 

Macaulay's  view  of  the  book  is  a  very  different  one  ;  he 
says,  "  This  is  a  very  amusing  and  a  very  instructive  book, 
but  even  if  it  were  less  amusing  and  less  instructive  it 
would  still  be  interesting  as  a  relic  of  a  wise  and  virtuous 
man.  M.  Dumont  was  one  of  those  persons  the  care  of 
whose  fame  belongs  in  a  special  manner  to  mankind.  For 
he  was  one  of  those  persons  who  have  for  the  sake  of  man- 
kind neglected  the  care  of  their  own  fame.  In  his  walk 

x 


PREFACE 

through  life  there  was  no  obtrusiveness,  no  pushing,  no 
elbowing,  none  of  the  little  arts  that  bring  forward  little 
men.  .  .  .  Though  no  man  was  more  capable  of  achieving 
for  himself  a  separate  and  independent  renown,  he  attached 
himself  to  others,  he  laboured  to  raise  their  fame,  he  was 
content  to  receive  as  his  share  of  the  reward  the  mere  over- 
flowings which  redounded  from  the  full  measure  of  their 
glory.  Not  that  he  was  of  a  servile  and  idolatrous  habit  of 
mind;  not  that  he  was  one  of  the  tribe  of  Boswells,  those 
literary  Gibeonites  born  to  be  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers 
of  water  to  the  higher  intellectual  castes.  Possessed  of 
talents  and  acquirements  that  made  him  great,  he  wished 
only  to  be  useful.  In  the  prime  of  manhood,  at  the  very 
time  of  life  at  which  ambitious  men  are  most  ambitious,  he 
was  not  solicitous  to  proclaim  that  he  furnished  information, 
arguments  and  eloquence  to  Mirabeau.  In  his  later  years 
he  was  perfectly  willing  that  his  renown  should  merge  in 
that  of  Mr.  Bentham.  .  .  . 

"His  Mirabeau  is  incomparable.  All  the  former  Mirabeaus 
were  daubs  in  comparison.  Till  now  Mirabeau  was  to  us, 
and  we  believe  to  most  readers  of  history,  not  a  man,  but 
a  string  of  antitheses.  Henceforth  he  will  be  a  real  human 
being. 

"  There  are  several  other  admirable  portraits  of  eminent 
men  in  these  memoirs.  That  of  Sieyes  in  particular,  and 
that  of  Talleyrand  are  masterpieces,  full  of  life  and  ex- 
pression ;  but  nothing  in  the  book  has  interested  us  more 
than  the  view  which  M.  Dumont  has  presented  to  us  un- 

xi 


PREFACE 

ostentatiously,  and  we  may  say  unconsciously,  of  his  own 
character.  The  sturdy  rectitude,  the  large  charity,  the  good 
nature,  the  modesty,  the  independent  spirit,  the  ardent 
philanthropy,  the  unaffected  indifference  to  money  and  to 
fame,  make  up  a  character  which,  while  it  has  nothing  un- 
natural, seems  to  us  to  approach  nearer  to  perfection  than 
any  of  the  Grandisons  or  Allworthys  of  fiction." 

That  Lord  Macaulay's  view  of  Dumont's  character  was 
also  that  of  his  contemporaries,  is  fully  shown  in  the 
memoirs  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly.  He  writes  as  follows  : 
"  During  this  residence  at  Geneva  (1781)  I  formed  a  friend- 
ship with  a  young  man  of  my  own  age  of  the  name  of 
Dumont,  who  was  then  studying  for  the  church,  and  was 
soon  after  admitted  one  of  its  ministers.  His  vigorous 
understanding,  his  extensive  knowledge,  and  his  splendid 
eloquence  qualified  him  to  have  acted  the  noblest  part  in 
public  life,  while  the  brilliancy  of  his  wit,  the  cheerfulness 
of  his  humour,  and  the  charms  of  his  conversation,  have 
made  him  the  delight  of  every  society  in  which  he  has 
lived  ;  but  his  most  valuable  qualities  are  his  strict  integrity, 
his  zeal  to  serve  those  whom  he  is  attached  to,  and  his  most 
affectionate  disposition."1 

In  an  unpublished  letter  to  Sir  Samuel  Romilly  of  June, 
1807,  Dumont  thus  alludes  to  his  early  aspirations:  "Eh 
bien,  j'avais  deja  alors  un  plan  tout  arrang£  dans  ma  tete, 
mon  village,  mon  eglise,  mes  sermons,  ma  femme,  peut-etre 
mes  enfants,  et  a  coup  sur  ma  patrie,  car  a  quinze  ans  je 

1  "  Memoirs  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,"  vol.  i.,  p.  58. 
xii 


PREFACE 

1'aimais  avec  passion,  et  tout  cela  s'est  eVanoui,  mais  il  ne 
faut  pas  se  plaindre,  il  y  a  eu  des  compensations,  et  plus 
meme  que  je  n'en  ai  me'rite'." 

Dumont  had  a  considerable  reputation  in  Geneva  as  a 
preacher,  but  he  got  involved  in  the  political  troubles  of 
that  town  in  1783,  and  went  to  St.  Petersburg,  where  he 
was  the  pastor  of  a  Protestant  church  for  eighteen  months. 
In  1785  he  came  to  London  at  the  request  of  Lord  Lans- 
downe  who,  on  the  advice  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,  confided 
to  him  the  education  of  his  younger  son  Henry,  who  after- 
wards succeeded  to  the  title. 

It  was  at  Lansdowne  House  that  he  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  all  the  celebrated  Englishmen  of  the  day  :  Sheridan, 
Fox,  Lord  Holland,  and  Lord  Brougham.  His  friendship 
with  Sir  Samuel  Romilly  grew  closer  every  day  and  was 
continued  till  the  tragedy  which  ended  Sir  Samuel's  life  in 
1818.  This  was  a  sorrow  for  which  Dumont  was  never 
consoled,  and  for  the  rest  of  his  life  he  could  never  speak 
of  his  friend  without  emotion. 

It  was  in  1788  that  he  and  Romilly  went  to  Paris 
together,  and  he  then  became  acquainted  with  Mirabeau.1 

Sir  Samuel  writes,  "  Mirabeau  was  at  this  time  in  Paris, 
publishing  his  great  work  on  the  Prussian  Monarchy.  We 

1  In  1789  Mirabeau  wrote  to  Lord  Lansdowne  imploring  him  not 
to  induce  Dumont  to  return  to  London,  and  saying  that  he  was  of  the 
greatest  use  in  the  work  of  regeneration  of  the  French  nation,  at  the 
head  of  which  he  (Mirabeau)  had  been  placed  by  the  force  of  circum- 
stances. He  concluded  by  begging  Lord  Lansdowne  to  allow  Dumont 
to  complete  Mirabeau's  education  before  undertaking  that  of  his  son. 

xiii 


PREFACE 

saw  him,  I  renewed  my  acquaintance  with  him  ;  he  was 
delighted  with  Dumont's  wit  and  extraordinary  talents,  we 
became  again  very  intimate  and  passed  many  hours  in  his 
most  captivating  society."1 

From  that  visit  dates  the  connection  between  the  two 
men — "  The  great  Frenchman  and  the  little  Genevese  "  as 
Carlyle  calls  them. 

Sir  Samuel  wrote  in  the  following  year  (i/Sp):2 

"  I  believe  that  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  all  the 
good  which  Mirabeau  has  done  was  suggested  to  him  by 
Dumont  or  Duroverai,  and  that  they  have  prevented  him 
from  doing  nothing  but  what  was  mischievous.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  say  that  Dumont  has  acted  with  the  purest 
disinterestedness  and  that  he  never  had  any  other  object  in 
view  than  that  of  being  useful. 

"  He  has  done  what  few  people  could  have  had  magnan- 
imity enough  to  do ;  he  has  seen  his  compositions  univers- 
ally extolled  as  masterpieces  of  eloquence,  and  all  the  merit 
of  them  ascribed  to  persons  who  had  not  written  a  single 
word  in  them ;  and  he  has  never  discovered  that  he  was  the 
author  of  them  but  to  those  from  whom  it  was  impossible 
to  conceal  it." 

There  are  only  two  subjects  on  which  Sir  Samuel  ever 
finds  fault  with  Dumont.  In  a  letter  written  to  him  in  1789 
he  says,  "  I  think  you  talk  a  great  deal  too  much  of  Geneva, 
and  that  you  are  likely  to  prevent,  rather  than  to  promote, 

1  "  Memoirs  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,"  vol.  i.,  p.  96. 

2  Ibid.y  vol.  i.,  p.  386. 

xiv 


PREFACE 

the  freedom  of  the  Republic  by  so  often  dinning  it  in  the 
ears  of  the  French.  They  will  soon  be  as  tired  of  hearing 
you  talk  of  your  Geneva  as  they  are  of  hearing  M.  Necker 
talk  of  his  integrity."1 

The  other  cause  of  complaint  was  that  he  did  not  under- 
take the  writing  of  a  history  of  the  Revolution. 

"  You  will  be  unpardonable  if  you  do  not,"  he  writes ;  "  I 
assure  you  with  the  utmost  sincerity  that  I  don't  believe 
there  is  any  man  living  capable  of  doing  it  so  well  as  your- 
self; and  it  certainly  must  be  the  fault  of  the  historian  if 
it  is  not  one  of  the  most  interesting  works  that  ever  was 
composed.  Pray  undertake  it  and  collect  all  the  materials 
for  it  that  you  can  " ;  and  in  another  letter,  "  I  shall  not  be 
easy  till  I  see  you  quietly  established  in  Berkeley  Square 
(Lansdowne  House)  writing  the  History  of  the  Revolution, 
and  giving  me  a  sheet  at  a  time  to  translate.  Positively 
you  must  undertake  it.  Your  objections  amount  only  to 
this,  that  you  will  not  be  able  to  attain  an  ideal  perfection 
which  you  have  painted  to  yourself,  are  good  for  nothing. 
With  all  the  defects  that  even  your  severity  may  imagine,  it 
will  still  be  the  most  useful  work  that  has  been  published  for 
a  century,  and  will  be  infinitely  better  executed  by  you  than 
by  any  other  person  that  attempts  it.  Once  more,  you 
must  undertake  it.  Make  it  a  work  for  posterity,  but  make 
it  a  work  for  the  present  generation  too,  and  prepare  for 
yourself  the  sublimest  of  all  pleasures,  that  of  contemplating 
the  extensive  good  which  you  will  have  effected.  Indeed, 
1  "  Memoirs  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,"  vol.  i.,  p.  378. 

xv  b 


PREFACE 

I  am  serious  in  thinking  that  you  cannot  renounce  the  idea 
of  writing  the  work  I  have  mentioned  to  you  and  be  exempt 
from  all  criminality."1 

Dumont  had  argued,  not  without  reason,  that  the  "harvest 
of  events  is  not  yet  ripe,  there  must  be  a  second  legislature 
at  least  to  complete  the  work  of  the  first,  and  time  alone 
can  bring  to  light  those  facts  without  which  it  would  be 
impossible  to  form  the  groundwork  of  a  history." 

Romilly's  suggestion  was  never  acted  on  to  the  extent 
that  he  had  hoped  for,  but  a  series  of  historical  letters  on 
the  events  of  the  four  months  from  April  to  September  1789 
of  which  he  had  been  an  eye-witness,  were  written  by  M. 
Dumont,  and  translated  into  English  byRomilly.  They  were 
published  in  1792  under  the  title  of  the"Groenveldt  Letters." 

In  1793  Romilly  returns  to  the  charge. 

"  Indeed  I  am  quite  vexed,  not  only  with  you,  but  with 
myself,  when  I  see  such  means  of  being  useful  to  mankind 
as  you  possess  so  lost  as  they  seem  likely  to  be.  I  reproach 
myself  as  being  in  some  degree  an  accomplice,  by  not  en- 
deavouring to  rouse  you  from  so  fatal  a  lethargy.  Indeed, 
Dumont,  you  must  come  to  a  resolution  of  doing  something 
that  will  be  useful  to  posterity.  Surely  the  hope  of  being 
able  to  prevent  some  of  those  calamities  from  falling  on 
future  ages,  which  we  now  see  so  dreadfully  visiting  the 
present,  might  be  as  strong  a  motive  to  excite  your  energy, 
as  any  that  has  hitherto  called  it  forth."  * 

1  "  Memoirs  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,"  vol.  i.,  p.  387. 
*  Ibtd.t  vol.  ii.,  p.  29. 

xvi 


PREFACE 

To  this  Dumont  answers  : 

"  This  long  stay  (at  Bowood)  is  not  exactly  what  I  should 
have  chosen  especially,  as  not  having  foreseen  it  when  I 
made  my  arrangements,  I  have  not  brought  with  me  the 
materials  of  my  work.  Nevertheless,  that  I  may  not  al- 
together deserve  your  reproaches,  I  am  cramming  my  head 
with  history  and  am  endeavouring  to  lay  down  a  connected 
plan :  I  am  collecting  stones  and  sand  which,  if  my  powers 
do  but  second  my  wishes,  may  one  day  become  an  edifice. 

"But  of  what  use  are  books?  Who  can  write  or  even 
think  without  disgust,  when  he  sees  the  most  enlightened 
country  in  Europe  returning  to  a  state  of  barbarism  ?  The 
howlings  of  savages  are  less  frightful  than  the  harangues  of 
the  representatives  of  a  nation  esteemed  the  gentlest 
and  the  most  polished  of  the  continent.  One  is  almost 
reduced  to  wish  that  the  French  added  the  vices  of  coward- 
ice to  those  of  barbarity.  The  courage  of  the  people 
has  become  the  instrument  of  the  ferocity  of  their  leaders. 

"  Although  I  condemned  as  strongly  as  you  did  the  faction 
of  the  Gironde  whilst  it  was  attacking  and  pulling  down  the 
constitution,  I  confess  to  you  that  the  dreadful  vengeance 
taken  on  them  by  the  dominant  party  gave  me  the  deepest 
pain.  I  never  liked  Brissot  as  a  politician ;  no  one  was  ever 
more  intoxicated  by  passion ;  but  that  does  not  prevent  me 
from  doing  justice  to  his  virtues,  to  his  private  character,  to 
his  disinterestedness,  to  his  social  qualities  as  a  husband,  a 
father,  a  friend,  and  as  the  intrepid  advocate  of  the  wretched 
negroes.  I  cannot  reflect  without  a  shudder,  that  he  imbibed 

xvii 


PREFACE 

some  of  the  principles  that  led  him  astray  from  the  very 
writings  of  Rousseau;  and  that  a  disposition  naturally  kind 
and  good  did  not  preserve  him  from  the  delusions  of  party 
spirit.  The  vanity  of  being  looked  on  as  a  leader  no  doubt 
contributed  to  his  faults,  the  weakness  of  his  judgement 
hurried  him  into  false  measures,  and  the  violence  of  the 
people  did  the  rest.  He  was  one  of  those  who  sincerely 
believed  that  what  is  called  the  will  of  the  people  was  a 
justification  of  everything,  and  he  has  done  as  much  mis- 
chief by  the  enthusiasm  of  Liberty,  as  many  others  have 
done  by  the  enthusiasm  of  religion.  The  power  of  absolution 
assumed  by  the  Romish  Church  has  precisely  the  same  hold 
on  the  consciences  of  men  as  political  enthusiasm  has  on 
their  understandings.  I  had  not  intended  to  talk  to  you  for 
so  long  about  a  man  you  never  could  endure,  but  I  had 
seen  him  in  points  of  view  different  from  those  which  made 
him  justly  blamable  in  your  eyes;  and  the  sad  end  of  this 
man,  who  would  have  been  excellent  had  he  been  born  in 
the  United  States,  inspires  me  with  a  feeling  of  compassion 
which  prevents  my  seeing  in  his  faults  anything  more  than 
the  effect  of  the  general  contagion  of  the  time. 

"  But  what  are  we  to  think  of  the  abominable  fickleness 
of  that  people  who  could  count  one  after  another  the  heads 
of  those  twenty  victims  as  they  dropped  under  the  fatal 
instrument  of  death,  without  seeming  to  retain  the  slightest 
recollection  of  the  applauses  which  for  more  than  a  year 
they  had  bestowed  on  them,  as  men  whom  they  then  looked 
upon  as  the  defenders  of  their  liberty? 

xviii 


PREFACE 

"  Ought  not  this  reflection  to  alarm  those  who  have 
directed  these  pretended  legal  executions?  I  trust  that 
the  ruffians  that  rule  to-day  have  signed  their  own  death 
warrant,  but  shall  we  ever  see  this  brutalized  people  return 
to  humanity  and  reason?  I  know  not.  The  madness  of  the 
crusades  lasted  two  hundred  years ;  the  present  frenzy  may 
swallow  up  more  than  one  generation."1 

Dumont's  "Recollections  of  Mirabeau"  were  published 
after  his  death,  and  were  never  revised,  nor  did  he  look 
on  them  in  any  other  light  than  as  a  sketch,  which  he 
intended  later  on  to  extend  and  amplify.  They  are  really 
notes  on  events  and  persons  which  he  meant  to  develop 
into  a  historical  work  of  a  more  ambitious  character.  They 
were  edited  by  M.  Duval  of  Geneva,  who  says  in  his  preface, 
"  what  appears  to  me  to  be  the  principal  merit  of  the  book, 
and  which  distinguishes  it  from  most  writings  of  its  kind, 
is,  that  M.  Dumont,  a  foreigner  in  France,  always  refused 
by  a  rare  feeling  of  delicacy  to  take  any  active  part  in  the 
events  that  were  taking  place  before  his  eyes.  He  therefore 
has  nothing  to  conceal,  nor  any  motives  to  alter  facts  in  order 
to  represent  his  conduct  under  a  more  favourable  light. 
His  love  of  Liberty,  and  his  great  talents  were  the  cause  of 
his  being  entrusted  with  the  knowledge  of  great  projects 
and  of  becoming  a  collaborator  in  affairs  of  great  importance, 
but  only  as  a  sympathizer." 

From  the  time  he  left  Paris  in  1791  till  1814,  he  lived  in 
London,  and  during  this  time  he  was  the  coadjutor  of 
1  "  Memoirs  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  32. 
xix 


PREFACE 

Jeremy  Bentham,  and  published  eight  volumes  of  his  works 
on  subjects  connected  with  legislation.  The  Edinburgh 
Reviewer  of  the  "  Theories  des  peines  et  des  recompenses," 
published  in  1813,  thus  praises  Dumont's  share  in  the  work: 
"It  is  to  M.  Dumont  upon  the  present,  as  on  a  former 
occasion,  that  we  are  indebted  for  a  knowledge  of  these 
valuable  speculations.  The  greater  part  of  them  had  been 
completed,  as  far  as  their  author  did  complete  them,  above 
thirty  years  before  the  date  of  the  present  publication. 
During  that  long  period  they  had  lain  in  his  repositories 
neglected  by  him  or  considered  by  him  as  materials  for  a 
branch  of  his  great  work  on  legislation.  Had  not  the  same 
zealous  and  friendly  hand  interposed  to  which  we  owe  the 
'  Traite"  de  Legislation,'  this  treatise  would  in  all  probability 
have  been  withheld,  with  the  greater  chance  of  its  entire 
suppression,  owing  to  the  extreme  fastidiousness  of  Mr.  Ben- 
tham upon  the  subject  of  his  own  compositions.  Happily, 
M.  Dumont  prevailed  upon  him  to  confide  the  materials  to 
his  care,  and  he  has  so  thoroughly  entered  into  his  author's 
spirit,  that,  but  for  the  information  conveyed  in  the  title- 
page,  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  that  the  work  did  not 
contain  the  author's  own  statements  of  his  principles.  So 
great  being  M.  Dumont's  merits,  so  large  indeed  being  his 
share  in  the  execution  of  the  work,  it  is  only  rendering  him 
a  just  tribute  if  we  dispute  the  title  of  Redacteur,  which  his 
modesty  inclines  him  to  assume.  He  much  more  nearly 
resembles  an  adept  delivering  to  the  world  the  doctrines  of 
the  School  of  Philosophy  to  which  he  belongs." 

XX 


PREFACE 

Of  the  lighter  and  more  social  side  of  Dumont's  character 
we  have  a  charming  description  in  Maria  Edgeworth's 
Letters.  She  writes  from  Bowood  in  1818:  "Dumont  read 
out  one  evening  one  of  Corneille's  plays,  '  Le  Florentin,' 
which  is  beautiful  and  was  beautifully  read.  We  asked  for 
one  of  Moliere,  but  he  said  to  Lord  Lansdowne  that  it  was 
impossible  to  read  Moliere  aloud  without  a  quicker  eye  than 
he  had,  pour  de  certains  propos ;  however  they  went  to  the 
library  and  brought  out  at  last  as  odd  a  choice  as  could 
well  be  made,  with  Mr.  Thomas  Grenville  as  auditor,  '  Le 
vieux  Celibataire/  an  excellent  play,  interesting  and  lively 
throughout,  and  the  old  bachelor  himself  a  charming  char- 
acter. .  .  .  There  were  things  which  seemed  as  if  they  were 
written  on  purpose  for  the  Cdibataire  who  was  listening  and 
the  Cttibataire  who  was  reading."1 

Again  from  Geneva,  in  1820,  she  says,  "Dumont  is  very 
kind  and  cordial;  he  seems  to  enjoy  universal  consideration 
here,  and  he  loves  Mont  Blanc  next  to  Bentham  above  all 
created  things ;  I  had  no  idea  till  I  saw  him  here  how  much 
he  enjoyed  the  beauties  of  nature." 

Dumont  died  in  1829;  three  years  previously  he  made 
his  will,  and  began  it  by  "  thanking  the  Almighty  for  his 
long  and  happy  life,  which  had  been  alternately  cheered  by 
the  delights  of  study  and  by  the  constant  intercourse  with 
so  many  beloved  friends." 

I  am  only  too  well  aware  of  the  loss  that  Dumont's  writ- 

1  "  Life  and  Letters  of  Maria  Edgeworth"  (Aug.  Hare),  vol.  i.,  p.  249. 

2  Ibidn  vol.  i.,  p.  312. 

xxi 


PREFACE 

ing  sustains  by  being  translated,  and  how  feeble  are  these 
efforts  to  reproduce  his  polished  and  humorous  style,  of 
which  Lord  Macaulay  says:  "In  the  qualities  in  which 
French  writers  surpass  those  of  all  other  nations,  neatness, 
clearness,  precision,  condensation,  he  surpassed  all  French 
writers." 

The  only  omissions  I  have  made  are  in  Chapter  XVII., 
which  I  have  curtailed  considerably,  as  it  contained  many 
repetitions,  and,  as  Dumont  says  in  a  note,  required  revision, 
and  in  the  last  chapter,  in  which  I  have  left  out  the  end, 
which  relates  solely  to  Genevese  affairs. 

In  the  appendix  will  be  found  two  of  the  addresses  written 
by  Dumont  for  Mirabeau,  and  also  some  of  Mirabeau's 
hurriedly  scribbled  notes  which  show  the  delightful  and 
intimate  friendship  which  prevailed  between  the  two  men. 

It  is,  I  think,  of  the  second  address  that  Sir  Samuel 
Romilly  wrote :  "  It  is  one  of  the  most  eloquent  compositions 
in  the  French  language." 

ELIZABETH  SEYMOUR. 


XXll 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN  AND  THE 
LITTLE  GENEVESE 

CHAPTER  I 

FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

HAVE  lately  been  reading  the  "  Annals 
of  the  French  Revolution"  by  Bertrand 
de  Molleville,  and  this  book  has  reminded 
me  of  many  events,  the  first  movements 
of  which  were  well  known  to  me,  and  of 
celebrities  with  whom  I  was  particularly  intimate. 

During  the  last  ten  years  I  have  already  forgotten  many 
facts,  and  I  fear  if  I  wait  much  longer  my  memory  of  them 
will  become  very  confused.  My  friends  often  beg  me  to  write 
down  many  details  which  they  have  heard  me  relate  in  con- 
versation, but  till  lately  I  have  felt  a  strong  disinclination  to 
do  this,  as  I  should  be  obliged  to  put  myself  on  the  scene, 
though  certainly  more  as  a  spectator  than  an  actor  in  it.  As 
to  the  part  I  played  I  can  sometimes  find  fault  with  my  judge- 
ment but  never  with  my  intentions.  My  own  personality  is 
not  interesting  to  me.  I  have  never  thought  my  sayings  or 
doings  of  any  importance,  and  therefore  I  never  kept  any 
record  of  them.  I  allowed  events  of  great  importance  to  pass 

I  B 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

by  unnoticed  as  if  they  had  been  trifles,  and  did  not  at  the 
time  pay  them  the  attention  of  which  they  were  worthy.  It 
is  only  in  the  retrospect  that  I  perceive  their  value,  and  now 
that  my  memory  is  refreshed  by  this  history  I  feel  the  neces- 
sity of  preserving  my  own  fugitive  recollections.  I  cannot, 
therefore,  better  employ  the  leisure  hours  I  am  now  spend- 
ing in  Bath  than  by  making  this  attempt,  and  if,  as  I  fear 
will  very  likely  be  the  case,  I  get  tired  of  the  task  I  can  easily 
give  it  up,  or  throw  it  all  into  the  fire! 

The  Revolution  of  Geneva  in  the  year  1789  was  the  cause 
of  my  journey  to  Paris.  I  went  there  with  Duroverai,  formerly 
attorney-general  in  Geneva,  in  order  to  take  advantage  of 
M.  Necker's  return  to  office  and  of  the  consequent  condition 
of  affairs  in  France. 

We  had  two  objects  in  view,  one,  to  restore  to  Geneva  her 
complete  liberty  by  destroying  the  guarantee  which  only 
allowed  her  to  make  laws  under  the  approbation  of  the 
guaranteeing  Powers;  the  other,  was  to  fill  in  the  rough 
sketch  of  a  constitution  which  had  been  hurriedly  under- 
taken by  the  Genevese  Revolution. 

The  popular  party  had  been  content  to  recover  part  of 
the  rights  that  had  been  taken  from  them  in  1782.  The 
councils  had  ceded  some  of  the  usurped  powers  but  had  the 
skill  to  retain  others.  The  Genevese  who  were  in  London 
were  far  from  satisfied  with  this  arrangement.  The  clause 
with  which  they  were  most  dissatisfied  was  the  one  in  which 
the  exiles  though  allowed  to  return  to  their  country  were, 
however,  not  replaced  in  their  posts  and  dignities. 

2 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

Assemblies  were  held,  in  which,  as  I  had  left  Geneva  by 
my  own  wish,  I  could  speak  more  freely  in  favour  of  the 
exiles  than  they  could  do  themselves.  My  ideas  of  Liberty 
had  been  still  further  enlarged  by  my  sojourn  in  England, 
and  by  the  prevailing  tone  of  all  the  French  publications 
of  the  time.  I  was  one  of  the  most  active  members  of  our 
Genevese  Assemblies.  I  took  on  myself  the  task  of  correct- 
ing, or  rather  of  composing,  all  the  memoranda  that  we 
published  on  the  new  code  of  Geneva.  My  writings  were 
well  received,  but  Duroverai,  who  had  just  arrived  from 
Ireland,  persuaded  me  that  they  would  produce  much  more 
effect  if  they  were  published  in  Paris,  and  that  it  would  be 
advisable  to  anticipate  the  consent  of  the  Powers  in  order 
to  give  solidity  to  this  new  arrangement. 

But  it  is  not  of  Genevese  affairs  that  I  now  wish  to  write, 
only  it  is  necessary  to  know  what  was  my  object  in  going 
to  Paris  in  order  to  explain  the  friendships  I  made  there, 
and  to  show  that  it  was  by  a  chain  of  circumstances  depend- 
ent on  this  first  object  that  I  found  myself  mixed  up  in  the 
French  Revolution.  But  before  beginning,  as  my  principal 
recollections  are  about  Mirabeau,  I  must  relate  the  origin 
of  my  acquaintance  with  him. 

In  1788  I  had  stayed  for  the  two  months  of  August  and 
September  in  Paris  with  my  friend  Mr.  Romilly,  of  London. 
Romilly  belongs  to  a  French  refugee  family  who  settled 
in  England  after  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  an 
event  of  which  he  never  spoke  without  blessing  the  memory 
of  Louis  XIV.,  by  whose  doing  it  was  that  he  was  born  an 

3 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Englishman.  He  had  studied  law,  and  preferred  practising 
in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  where,  however,  it  is  not  so  easy 
to  gain  success  as  on  the  King's  Bench.  While  Mirabeau 
was  in  London  in  1784,  he  had  become  very  intimate  with 
Romilly.  He  was  then  occupied  with  his  book  on  the  Order 
of  Cincinnatus  and  several  other  works  of  which  he  had 
the  plans  and  sketches  in  his  portfolio,  and  about  which  he 
took  pains  to  consult  anyone  who  could  enlighten  him.  He 
was  poor  then,  and  had  to  work  for  his  living.  He  wrote 
his  "  Considerations  sur  1'Escaut "  on  the  model  of  a  letter 
of  M.  Chauvet's,  which  gave  him  the  first  idea  of  such  a 
work. 

He  came  across  a  book  on  geography,  of  which  I  have 
forgotten  the  name,  and  conceived  the  idea  of  a  universal 
Gazetteer,  and  if  anyone  had  given  him  the  elements  of  a 
Chinese  grammar,  I  believe  he  would  have  written  a  treatise 
on  this  language.  He  studied  a  subject  and  wrote  a  book  on 
it  at  the  same  time ;  all  he  required  was  a  collaborator  who 
would  furnish  him  with  facts,  and  he  knew  how  to  employ 
twenty  others  for  additions  and  notes,  and  would  have  un- 
dertaken to  write  an  encyclopaedia  if  he  had  been  well  paid 
for  it. 

His  activity  was  immense,  but  he  did  not  work  much 
himself,  he  made  other  people  work;  he  had  the  great  art  of 
discovering  hidden  talent  and  of  flattering  those  who  might 
be  useful  to  him  ;  he  accomplished  this  by  exercising  every 
insinuating  art, and  by  feigning  interest  in  the  public  welfare. 
Whenever  he  had  need  of  me  he  used  to  say  pleasant  things 

4 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

to  me  about  my  friends,  and  speak  to  me  about  Geneva ;  it 
had  the  the  effect  of  a  "  Ranz  des  vaches  "  on  me,  and  I  was 
always  subjugated  by  it.  His  interesting  and  animated 
conversation  was  like  a  whetstone  on  which  he  sharpened 
his  tools.  Nothing  ever  escaped  him.  He  collected  with 
care  anecdotes  and  conversations,  and  appropriated  the 
thoughts,  studies  and  reading  of  his  friends;  he  knew  how 
to  use  what  he  had  just  learned  as  if  he  had  always  known 
it,  and  once  having  put  his  hand  to  anything,  it  advanced 

rapidly.    In  London  he  had  made  friends  with  D who 

was  then  writing  the  history  of  the  revolutions  of  Geneva, 

of  which  the  first  volume  was  already  published.    D 

did  not  wish  his  name  to  appear  as  the  author  of  this  work, 
he  therefore  begged  Mirabeau  to  take  charge  of  his  manu- 
scripts, and  to  write  the  history  of  Geneva.  In  less  than 
eight  days  Mirabeau  showed  him  the  epitome  he  had  made 
of  the  first  volume;  this  forcible  and  interesting  abstract 
was  evidently  the  work  of  a  master. 

I  do  not  know  for  what  reason  D changed  his  mind, 

but  he  refused  to  let  him  have  any  more  of  his  manuscript. 
There  was  therefore  much  coolness,  or  more  than  coolness 
between  them.  These  two  men  were  not  suited  to  work  to- 
gether; Mirabeau  announced  that  he  desired  a  subordinate 
position  and  that  he  wished  the  credit  of  the  work  to  belong 

to  D ,  but  he  knew  pretty  well  that  his  own  reputation 

would  absorb  that  of  his  partner,  and  that  D would  only 

be  considered  as  the  mason  who  provided  the  stones  and  mor- 
tar for  the  edifice  of  which  Mirabeau  was  to  be  the  architect. 

5 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

When  we  arrived  in  Paris  in  1788,  the  Comte  de  Mirabeau's 
reputation  was  as  low  as  possible.  He  had  been  employed 
at  Berlin  by  M.  de  Calonne,  he  was  associated  with  all  the 
enemies  of  M.  Necker;  he  had  written  against  him,  and  was 
looked  on  as  a  dangerous  enemy  and  an  insecure  friend. 
His  lawsuit  with  his  family,  his  adventures  with  women,  his 
imprisonments,  his  manners,  were  all  more  than  could  be 
pardoned  even  in  a  town  as  little  particular  as  Paris.  His 
name  was  only  pronounced  with  contempt  in  the  respectable 
houses  where  we  were  most  intimate.  Romilly  was  almost 
ashamed  of  his  old  friendship  and  resolved  not  to  renew  his 
acquaintance  with  him.  We  therefore  did  not  see  him,  but 
he  was  not  a  man  to  stand  on  ceremony  or  to  pay  attention 
to  etiquette.  We  had  dined  with  Target,  whom  he  some- 
times saw,  and  having  heard  from  him  where  we  were 
lodging,  it  was  quite  enough  for  him.  The  noise  of  a  carriage 
at  the  door  of  the  hotel  drove  Romilly  to  his  room,  and  he 
begged  me  to  say  he  was  out  if  it  was  only  an  ordinary 
visitor.  When,  therefore,  the  Comte  de  Mirabeau  was  an- 
nounced, I  thought  that  Romilly  would  rather  not  be  there, 
as  he  did  not  wish  to  renew  his  acquaintance  with  him, 
and  also,  as  his  room  was  only  separated  by  a  very  thin 
partition,  he  could  have  distinguished  the  Count's  voice  and 
could  have  come  in  if  he  had  wished  to  do  so.  Mirabeau 
began  the  conversation  on  the  subject  of  our  many  friends 
in  common  in  London ;  he  then  spoke  to  me  about  Geneva, 
and  knowing  that  a  Genevese  is  never  tired  of  talking  of  his 
country,  he  spoke  in  the  most  flattering  way  about  this 

6 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

town  which  has  furnished  so  many  distinguished  men 
and  has  contributed  such  a  large  contingent  of  genius  and 
brilliancy  to  the  world,  and  he  added  that  he  should  never 
be  happy  till  he  had  broken  the  chains  which  had  bound 
Geneva  since  the  revolution  of  1782.  Two  hours  of  such 
conversation  passed  like  a  moment,  and  Mirabeau  repre- 
sented in  my  eyes  everything  that  was  most  interesting  in 
Paris.  The  visit  ended  by  my  promising  to  dine  with  him 
the  same  evening,  even  in  case  Romilly  should  be  engaged 
elsewhere,  and  in  order  to  make  sure  of  me  he  was  to  return 
and  fetch  me  in  his  carriage. 

"  To  whom  were  you  talking  for  so  long?  "  said  Romilly 
to  me,  on  leaving  his  room,  where  he  had  been  kept  a 
prisoner  during  this  long  visit. — "  Did  you  not  recognize  his 
voice?" — "No." — "Well,  it's  a  man  you  know  well,  and 
you  might  have  heard  remarks  about  yourself  which  would 
have  served  for  a  splendid  funeral  oration." — "  Why,  was  it 
Mirabeau?" — "Mirabeau  himself,  and  I  should  be  a  fool  if 
my  friends'  prejudices  prevented  my  seeing  him.  A  foreigner 
can  form  friendships  with  whom  he  likes,  I  do  not  follow 
either  Calonne  or  Necker,  but  the  man  whose  conversation 
pleases  me  and  stimulates  me,  and  the  first  thing  I  am  going 
to  do  is  to  dine  with  him  to-night."  Mirabeau  shortly  re- 
turned and  carried  us  both  off,  and  he  so  surmounted  our 
first  prejudices  that  we  saw  him  frequently,  and,  taking 
advantage  of  the  fine  weather,  we  made  several  excursions 
together  which  I  recollect  with  great  pleasure.  We  dined 
at  the  Bois  de  Boulogne,  at  Saint-Cloud,  at  Vincennes, 

7 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

where  he  showed  us  the  dungeon  in  which  he  was  imprisoned 
for  three  years. 

I  never  knew  any  man  who  could,  when  he  liked,  make 
himself  as  agreeable  and  attractive  as  Mirabeau.  He  was 
what  is  called  good  company  in  every  meaning  of  the  term ; 
pleasant,  easy,  full  of  gaiety,  resource,  and  different  kinds  of 
wit.  You  could  never  be  reserved  with  him,  but  were  obliged 
to  be  intimate  and  to  forego  all  ceremony  and  ordinary 
modes  of  address.  Though  he  greatly  valued  his  title  of 
Count,  and,  at  the  bottom  of  his  heart,  attached  a  great  deal 
of  importance  to  nobility,  he  had  yet  wit  enough  to  discern 
the  occasions  on  which  you  should  make  use  of  it  or  should 
make  a  merit  of  voluntarily  abdicating  it.  Use  of  titles, 
which  has  been  well  compared  to  wadding  that  is  put  be- 
tween vases  to  prevent  their  breaking,  always  keeps  up  a 
sort  of  distance,  and  prevents  any  real  intimacy  between 
friends.  He  would  have  none  of  it.  His  first  care  was  to 
remove  all  such  barriers,  and  an  intimacy  with  him  had  a 
sort  of  agreeable  tartness  and  crudity  which  was  more  ap- 
parent than  real,  and  all  the  essence  of  politeness  and  flattery 
was  to  be  found  under  a  rude  and  even  sometimes  coarse 
exterior.  After  society  conversations,  which  were  more  or 
less  stiff,  one  found  a  piquant  novelty  in  his  which  never 
became  commonplace  or  formal.  His  stay  in  Berlin  had 
furnished  him  with  curious  anecdotes,  but  his  scandalous 
letters  were  not  yet  published.  At  this  moment,  a  work  of 
his  was  appearing  on  the  Prussian  Monarchy,  that  is  to  say, 
it  was  the  work  of  Major  Mauvillon,  and  consisted  of  ex- 

8 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

tracts  of  memoirs  that  he  took  great  trouble  to  procure. 
No  one  could  imagine  that  during  a  visit  of  a  few  months 
he  could  give  enough  time  to  the  composition  of  an  eight 
volume  work  in  which  he  had  collected  all  that  concerned 
the  administration  of  the  kingdom.  But  he  had  employed  the 
talents  of  an  officer  who  was  hardly  known  by  his  own 
government,  and  the  Prussian  Ministers  must  have  been 
surprised  that  a  man  who  had  only  just  appeared  in  this 
country  should  have  the  boldness  to  undertake  alone  such 
a  formidable  enterprise,  and  to  be  in  possession  of  more 
knowledge  than  was  to  be  found  in  the  offices  of  their  de- 
partments. He  showed  in  this  work  that  the  principles  of 
Adam  Smith  were  justified  by  facts,  and  that  Prussia  had 
never  neglected  them  without  suffering  for  it 

This  was  the  moment  of  the  quarrel  between  M.de  Calonne 
and  M.  Necker  on  the  question  of  the  deficit.  The  former 
had  his  reasons  for  trying  to  thrust  on  some  one  else  the 
burden  of  this  affair.  He  had  just  accused  M.  Necker  of 
having  deceived  the  Nation  by  the  statement  that,  on  his 
leaving  the  Ministry,  instead  of  a  deficit,  there  was  a  sur- 
plus often  millions.  His  pamphlet, bristlingwith  calculations 
and  specious  arguments,  had  produced  a  considerable  effect. 
M.  Necker,  who  had  just  entered  the  government,  gave 
notices  of  his  reply.  Before  it  even  appeared,  Mirabeau  was 
prepared  to  refute  it.  M.  Necker's  enemies  had  met  at  the 
house  of  Panchaud,  the  banker,  an  intelligent  man,  very 
clever  at  finance,  but  who  was  ruined  more  in  reputation 
than  in  money  by  a  very  suspicious  bankruptcy.  As  soon 

9 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

as  M.  Necker's  work  was  published,  the  Committee  met 
every  day ;  Mirabeau  went  there  to  collect  evidence  to  arm 
him  against  the  government;  he  spoke  in  advance  of  the 
certainty  of  obtaining  a  complete  triumph.  Nothing  would 
content  him  but  to  unmask  the  charlatan,  to  turn  him  inside 
out  and  to  lay  him  at  Calonne's  feet  convicted  of  lies  and 
incapacity.  Gradually  this  enthusiasm  died  out;  he  spoke 
no  more  of  it  and  did  not  even  like  it  to  be  mentioned.  I 
often  asked  him  why  this  grand  production  did  not  appear, 
and  what  made  him  spare  the  charlatan  who  rejoiced  in  a 
borrowed  reputation,  and  why  the  Panchaud  Committee 
had  postponed  this  great  act  of  justice.  In  order  to  dispose 
of  these  reproaches,  which  reflected  on  his  previous  bom- 
bastical  swagger,  he  at  last  told  me  that  M.  Necker  was 
necessary  for  the  formation  of  the  States  General,  which 
needed  his  popularity,  and  that  the  question  of  the  deficit 
was  absorbed  in  that  of  the  double  representation  of  the 
third  estate. 

This  was  enough  to  make  me  sure  thatM.  Necker's  reply 
had  been  triumphant,  and  that  his  most  ardent  enemies, 
after  having  put  their  heads  in  this  noose,  had  not  been 
able  to  draw  back. 

We  went  with  Mercier,  the  author  of  the  "  Tableau  de 
Paris,"  and  Mallet-Dupan  to  visit  the  horrible  surroundings 
of  the  Salpe"triere  and  of  Bicetre.  I  never  saw  anything  more 
dreadful,  and  these  two  establishments  at  the  gates  of  the 
capital  showed  the  irresponsibility  of  a  frivolous  society. 
The  hospital  was  the  germ  of  every  illness,  and  the  prison 

10 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

the  school  of  every  crime.  Romilly,  profoundly  touched  by 
this,  wrote  a  most  striking  description  of  these  institutions 
of  misery  in  a  letter  to  a  friend.  I  mentioned  this  to 
Mirabeau,  who  wished  to  see  it,  and  having  seen  it,  it  was 
the  affair  of  a  day  to  translate  and  publish  it  in  a  small 
volume,  to  which  he  added  an  anonymous  writing  on  the 
penal  laws  of  England.  The  work  was  announced  as  a 
translation  from  the  English  by  the  Comte  de  Mirabeau,  but 
the  public,  accustomed  to  little  disguises  of  this  sort,  never 
doubted  that  he  was  himself  the  author.  The  success  was 
rapid,  and  the  profit  covered  his  expenses  for  a  month.  He 
had  a  great  reputation  as  a  writer,  but  if  all  those  who  con- 
tributed to  his  works  had  taken  back  their  share,  Mirabeau's 
part  would  only  have  consisted  of  a  certain  art  of  arrange- 
ment of  the  striking  features,  of  biting  epigrams,  and  some 
virile  eloquence  which,  however,  was  not  that  of  the  French 
Academy.  Claviere  provided  the  foundation  for  his  letter  to 
the  new  King  of  Prussia ;  de  Bourges  composed  his  address 
to  the  Batavians,  and  I  was  witness  to  the  hot  disputes 
between  them  about  this  writing.  Mirabeau  did  not  deny 
the  debt,  but  de  Bourges,  after  its  success,  was  furious  at 
having  sacrificed  himself  for  another's  fame.  Mirabeau  had 
so  established  himself  in  public  opinion  that  none  of  his 
colleagues  could  have  diminished  his  reputation.  He  had  the 
right  to  consider  himself  as  the  parent  of  all  these  writings 
because  he  presided  at  their  achievement,  and,  without  his 
indefatigable  activity,  they  would  never  have  seen  the  light 
of  day. 

II 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Claviere  was  as  much  piqued  as  anyone  else  at  only 
serving  as  a  pedestal  for  the  statue  of  Mirabeau,  and  he  had 
attached  to  himself  Brissot  de  Warville,  and  collaborated 
with  him.  Mirabeau  treated  Brissot  as  a  literary  jockey, 
spoke  of  him  pityingly,  but  had  a  high  opinion  of  Claviere 
and  wished  to  be  friendly  with  him.  There  was  no  open 
rupture  between  them,  but  much  irritation.  Claviere  wanted 
to  treat  Mirabeau  as  a  jay  despoiled  of  his  plumes,  but  the 
jay,  though  he  might  have  lost  his  borrowed  finery,  was 
still  armed  with  a  very  powerful  spur  and  could  fly  far  above 
all  these  literary  barn-door  fowls. 

Mirabeau  introduced  us  to  Dupont  de  Nemours  and 
Champfort.  Dupont,  who  had  revised  "  Ephemerides  du 
Citoyen,"  and  who  was  a  zealous  friend  of  Turgot's,  enjoyed 
the  reputation  of  an  honest  man  and  a  wise  economist,  but 
he  had  made  himself  rather  ridiculous  when  he  modestly 
complained  of  being  in  correspondence  with  four  or  five 
kings!  One  morning,  we  found  him  occupied  with  a  work 
on  "  Leather,"  in  which  he  showed  that  the  government  was 
always  altering  duties  on  this  commodity.  "  This  work,"  he 
said,  "will  be  more  amusing  than  any  romance";  and,  as 
an  example,  he  read  us  seven  or  eight  chapters  of  deadly 
dulness,  but  he  made  up  for  it  by  telling  some  anecdotes  of 
the  Assembly  and  of  notabilities  to  whom  he  had  acted  as 
secretary.  He  quoted  a  saying  which  has  had  a  great 
success;  it  was  a  question  of  tithes:  "Tithes,"  said  the 
Archbishop  of  Aix,  in  a  sentimental  tone, "  are  the  voluntary 
offering  made  by  the  piety  of  the  faithful." — "  Tithes,"  re- 

12 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

plied  the  Due  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  in  his  simple  and  modest 
manner,  which  made  the  remark  all  the  more  to  the  point, 
"tithes,  the  voluntary  offerings  of  the  pious  faithful,  on  which 
there  are  now  proceeding  forty  thousand  lawsuits  in  the 
kingdom." 

Champfort  and  Mirabeau  were  on  terms  of  ceremony  with 
each  other.  Champfort,  though  affecting  an  extraordinary 
independence  of  character,  was  intimate  with  many  dis- 
tinguished people  in  the  court  circle,  especially  with  M.  de 
Vaudreuil ;  he  still  made  a  merit  of  being  unattached  in  any 
way  to  high  places  or  people.  He  wished  to  pass  for  a 
misanthropist,  but  his  misanthropy  was  that  of  pride  and 
was  only  shown  by  his  wit ;  while  others  wished  to  attack 
the  colossus  with  a  battering-ram,  he  tried  to  riddle  it  by 
satire.  I  knew  Champfort  afterwards,  I  often  met  him,  and 
never  saw  in  his  revolutionary  passion  anything  except 
wounded  pride  which  was  only  happy  in  attempting  to  put 
down  any  authority  which  had  given  him  offence.  He  hated 
the  institution  of  matrimony  because  he  was  a  natural  son, 
and  he  abused  everything  connected  with  the  Court,  for  fear 
that  he  should  be  thought  to  be  one  of  its  proteges. 

But  we  had  other  society  besides  that  of  Mirabeau,  and 
in  that  company  it  was  not  well  to  dwell  on  our  acquaintance 
with  him.  The  Due  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  for  example,  M.  de 
Malesherbes,  M.  de  Lafayette,  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  American 
Minister,  Mallet  du  Pan,  the  Abbe"  Morellet  and  many  other 
less  known  people.  Conversation  with  them  was  less 
frivolous.  The  approaching  convocation  of  the  States 

13 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

General,  the  importance  of  public  events,  questions  of 
liberty,  the  approach  of  a  crisis  which  must  influence  the 
fate  of  the  nation,  all  these  were  new  subjects  in  Paris,  and 
excited  divers  opinions,  and  produced  an  excitement  which, 
though  still  quiescent,  gave  a  lively  interest  to  society. 
Everyone  was  plunged  in  the  uncertainty  of  the  future,  and 
viewed  it  according  to  their  hopes  or  fears,  but  in  the  upper 
classes  nobody  was  indifferent  to  it,  and  even  the  masses 
began  to  be  excited  without  knowing  why. 

These  two  months'  stay  in  Paris  were  so  busy,  the  society 
was  so  varied,  the  days  so  well  occupied  from  morning  to 
night,  that  I  lived  more  fully  during  this  short  interval  than 
I  did  in  years  of  quieter  times.  I  owed  most  of  the  welcome 
and  hospitality,  of  which  we  were  the  objects,  to  my  travel- 
ling companion.  I  was  under  his  auspices,  and  though  he 
was  the  one  who  was  sought  after,  I  was  not  forgotten.  I 
was  proud  of  him,  and  when  I  saw  him  appreciated,  I  was 
all  the  more  delighted.  I  do  not  know  how  we  managed  to 
get  in  all  we  did  in  such  a  short  time.  Romilly,  though 
always  calm  and  quiet,  was  incessantly  active;  he  never 
wasted  a  minute,  and  was  like  the  hand  of  a  watch  which 
never  stops  though  its  movement  is  not  seen. 

At  the  time  I  now  write  (1799),  I  see  him  burdened  with 
work  in  the  most  laborious  of  professions,  and  though  one 
of  the  busiest  of  advocates,  he  still  finds  time  to  read  all  the 
important  books  that  appear,  to  keep  up  his  acquaintance 
with  the  classics,  to  see  much  society  and  not  to  appear 
overdone  with  it  all.  Economy  of  time  is  a  virtue  I  have 

14 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  MIRABEAU  AND  DUMONT 

never  possessed,  and  my  days  roll  by  without  leaving  a 
trace. 

Mirabeau  accompanied  us  till  we  left  for  Chantilly,  where 
we  spent  a  very  agreeable  day  making  plans  to  see  each 
other  again  and  to  keep  up  a  correspondence,  which,  how- 
ever, was  not  achieved.  He  was  full  of  projects  concerning 
the  States  General,  he  foresaw  the  difficulties  there  would 
be  about  his  election,  but  he  aspired  to  be  one  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  third  estate,  and  had  a  presentiment  that  he 
would  play  a  great  part,  and  that  his  rank  would  only  add 
to  his  popularity.  I  will  here  give  a  proof  of  his  literary 
activity.  He  gave  me  a  detailed  and  numbered  list  of  sub- 
jects which  we  had  occasionally  discussed  and  on  which 
we  held  different  opinions.  It  was  headed :  "  List  of  Articles 
which  Dumont  promises  '  honour  bright '  to  write  and  to 
send  to  Mirabeau  shortly  after  his  return  to  London,"  For 
example,  "  Divers  Anecdotes  on  his  Stay  in  Russia,"  "  Bio_ 
graphical  Anecdotes  concerning  several  celebrated  Gene- 
vese,"  "  Views  on  National  Education,"  etc.,  etc.  There  were 
eighteen  of  them ;  a  proof  of  his  attention  and  memory.  He 
wished  to  form  a  depository  of  this  sort,  and,  at  his  leisure, 
to  arrange  the  material  he  received  from  all  sources.  He 
would  have  liked  nothing  better  than  to  be  an  Information 
Bureau  for  the  universe.  He  knew  how  to  adapt  himself  to 
all  tastes,  and  if  he  was  not  virtuous  himself,  he  at  all  events 
preferred  men  of  strict  principles,  whose  habits  contrasted 
with  his  own.  It  was  his  way  to  avow  frankly  all  the  faults 
and  passions  of  his  youth,  to  express  regret  for  all  the  errors 

15 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

he  had  committed,  and  to  announce  that  for  the  future  he 
meant  to  retrieve  his  past  by  employing  his  talents  in  the 
most  useful  way  for  the  cause  of  liberty  and  humanity,  with- 
out the  possibility  of  any  personal  interest  making  him 
swerve  from  this  career.  Even  through  his  disordered  life, 
he  had  kept  a  certain  distinction  and  dignity  with  a  vigour 
of  character  which  marked  him  out  from  all  the  unim- 
portant nonentities  who  were  to  be  found  in  Paris;  one 
was  tempted  to  excuse  him  by  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed,  and  to  think  his  virtues  were  his  own  and 
his  vices  a  stranger's.  I  never  knew  a  man  who  was  more 
anxious  for  the  esteem  of  those  he  himself  esteemed,  and 
who  could  be  more  influenced  by  a  feeling  of  honour;  but, 
as  will  be  seen  later  on,  there  was  nothing  stable  or  uniform 
about  him. 

Now  that  I  have  told  the  origin  of  my  association  with 
Mirabeau,  I  return  to  the  story  of  the  journey  we  undertook 
in  1789  with  M.  Duroverai,  by  which  we  hoped  to  profit  by 
the  re-entry  of  M.  Necker  into  the  Ministry,  in  order  to 
improve  the  fate  of  the  Genevese  exiles. 


16 


CHAPTER  II 

OPENING  OF  THE  STATES  GENERAL 

» 
URING  our  journey  from  London  to  Paris 

there  occurred  the  following  circumstance. 
There  was  great  activity  going  on  concern- 
ing the  election  of  rrfembers  to  the  "  bail- 
lages."  These  primaryassemblies  composed 
of  bourgeois  and  peasants  had  no  idea  how  to  organize 
and  manage  an  election. 

We  were  breakfasting  at  Montreuil-sur-mer  and  talking 
with  our  landlord,  who  told  us  of  the  tumults  and  confusion 
of  their  meetings. 

Two  or  three  days  had  already  been  lost  in  talk  and  con- 
fusion, and  there  was  no  idea  amongst  them  of  such  things 
as  presidents,  secret  voting  papers  or  scrutiny — all  that  was 
unknown.  As  a  passing  amusement  we  were  tempted  to 
become  legislators  for  Montreuil,  so  we  asked  for  paper, 
pens,  and  ink,  and  we  occupied  ourselves  in  correcting  the 
small  regulations  concerning  the  nomination  of  the  mem- 
bers. Never  was  work  undertaken  more  lightly;  it  was 
continually  interrupted  by  roars  of  laughter.  At  last  the 
business  was  concluded,  we  called  our  landlord  and 
explained  our  code  to  him.  Our  bourgeois,  delighted  to 

17  C 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

find  himself  a  personage,  implored  us  to  let  him  have  the 
paper,  assuring  us  that  he  would  manage  it  all  right.  We 
should  have  much  liked  to  stop  one  day  and  assist  at  this 
assembly  in  order  to  see  the  first  buddings  of  Democracy, 
but  we  were  in  too  great  a  hurry  to  do  so.  What  was 
pleasant,  was  that  on  arriving  at  Paris  we  saw  in  the  papers 
that  the  Montreuil  assembly  had  finished  its  election  first 
and  had  received  much  praise  for  the  order  it  had  estab- 
lished. 

This  little  episode  is  not  so  insignificant  as  it  appears;  it 
shows  the  carelessness  and  ignorance  of  a  government 
which,  in  decreeing  such  an  unusual  thing  as  an  election  by 
the  people,  had  not  thought  of  accompanying  the  law  by 
any  code  of  rules  to  prevent  confusion  and  disputes. 

As  soon  as  we  arrived  in  Paris  we  obtained  an  audience 
of  M.  Necker,  and  we  saw  at  once  that  the  question  of 
guarantee  for  Geneva  would  not  be  an  easy  one  to  con- 
clude, that  the  King  would  neither  approve  nor  reverse  the 
edict  of  1782  nor  risk  giving  a  refusal  to  an  arrangement 
consented  to  by  both  parties.  The  affair  dragged  on  slowly, 
and  I  passed  several  weeks  at  Surene,  in  Claviere's  country 
house,  where  I  worked  at  my  "address  to  the  citizens  of 
Geneva."  I  was  helped  in  this  work  by  Claviere,  Duroverai, 
and  Reybaz,  who  was  my  Aristarchus  as  regards  style;  it 
was  my  apprenticeship  in  the  art  of  writing,  at  least  on 
political  affairs. 

It  was  published  and  sent  to  Geneva  two  or  three  months 
afterwards. 

18 


OPENING  OF  THE  STATES  GENERAL 

Claviere's  house  was  the  rendezvous  of  several  people 
who  played  a  great  part  in  the  Revolution ;  Mirabeau  and 
Brissot  being  the  most  conspicuous.  I  was  acquainted  with 
everything  that  was  passing  in  Paris,  I  often  went  there 
for  a  day  or  two,  I  had  friendships  which  I  had  made 
during  my  first  visit.  I  was  introduced  to  M.  de  la  Roche- 
foucauld, to  M.  de  Lafayette,  and  to  M.  de  Malesherbes,  and 
since  then  I  became  particularly  intimate  with  the  Bishop 
of  Chartres,  where  I  often  saw  the  Abb6  Sieyes.  I  frequented 
the  houses  of  M.  Delessert,  of  Mallet  du  Pan,  of  the  doctor 
de  la  Roche,  of  M.  Bidderman  and  of  M.  Reybaz.  but  during 
the  months  of  March  and  April  I  was  generally  at  Surene, 
occupied  with  my  writing,  and  not  thinking  much  of  the 
approaching  meeting  of  the  States  General. 

I  remember,  however,  being  at  several  committees  which 
were  held  at  the  houses  of  Brissot  and  Claviere,  where  they 
discussed  the  question  of  revising  the  declaration  of  right 
and  the  principles  on  which  the  States  General  were  to 
work.  I  was  only  a  spectator,  and  I  always  came  away 
with  a  feeling  of  disgust  at  all  the  idle  talk.  But  the  open- 
ing scene  would  be  so  important  that  1  was  anxious  to  find 
myself  anywhere  where  there  were  things  to  observe.  I  did 
not  hear  any  interesting  speeches,  but  the  liberal  sentiments 
expressed  were  unanimous.  Every  one  was  full  of  cordiality 
and  enthusiam.  I  was  thrilled  to  find  myself  in  the  midst 
of  this  nation  just  beginning  to  emerge  from  its  circle  of 
frivolities  in  order  to  rise  to  nobler  things.  The  French,  for 
whom  I  had  a  feeling  of  contempt  arising  from  my  repub- 

19 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

lican  education  and  which  had  been  strengthened  by  my 
residence  in  England,  now  appeared  in  another  aspect;  I 
began  to  look  on  them  as  freed  men,  and  I  agreed  with  all 
the  sentiments  of  the  most  zealous  adherents  of  the  third 
estate.  I  had  not  thought  much  about  the  questions  that 
were  now  dividing  French  opinion,  I  had  let  myself  be  carried 
away  by  my  liberal  sentiments,  but  I  did  not  extend  my 
views  beyond  an  imitation  of  the  English  government, 
which  I  looked  on  as  the  finest  model  for  political  institu- 
tions. I  never  spoke  at  any  of  these  assemblies  if  there 
were  more  than  our  ordinary  friends  present.  I  thought  it 
improper  for  a  stranger  to  do  so,  and  a  natural  shyness 
helped  me  to  sustain  this  reserve. 

Duroverai,  more  accustomed  than  I  was  to  public  meet- 
ings, and  endowed  with  oratorical  talent  which  would  have 
put  him  in  the  first  rank  in  their  committees,  kept  as  a  rule 
the  same  silence,  and  had  no  ambition  to  play  a  distin- 
guished part  in  them,  which,  however,  he  could  easily  have 
done. 

At  one  of  these  meetings,  different  points  were  being 
proposed,  and  we  were  astonished  to  hear  Palissot  ask  that 
one  of  them  should  be  the  right  of  representation.  We 
Genevese  never  doubted  that  by  that  was  meant  the  right 
of  representation  in  the  government. 

He,  however,  added  that  this  essential  right,  which  was 
one  of  the  most  precious  of  liberties,  was  at  this  moment 
violated  in  the  most  open  manner  by  the  government  in 
refusing  M.  Chenier  the  permission  to  represent  his  tragedy 

20 


OPENING  OF  THE  STATES  GENERAL 

of  Charles  IX.  We  were  thus  enlightened  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  right  of  representation  claimed  by  M.  Palissot.  Our 
mistake  made  us  smile,  and  some  one  came  and  whispered 
in  my  ear:  "  You  see  that  with  the  French  everything  begins 
and  ends  with  the  stage." 

I  can  only  remember  what  I  saw  at  this  time  as  a  chaos 
of  confused  opinions.  There  was  no  regular  stream  of  public 
opinion  except  against  the  court  and  what  was  called  the 
aristocracy.  Necker  was  the  divinity  of  the  moment.  Sieyes, 
though  little  known  by  the  people,  had  furnished  by  his 
writings  rallying  points  for  all  those  who  wished  to  speak 
on  public  affairs.  Rabaud  de  Saint-Etienne  and  Target  had 
each  a  reputation  equal  to  that  of  the  Abbe  Sieyes.  Those 
who  contemplated  a  civil  war  looked  on  Lafayette  as  a  man 
who  aspired  to  be  the  Washington  of  France.  These  were 
the  men  of  most  mark  at  this  time. 

The  Due  de  la  Rochefoucauld's  home  was  distinguished 
by  its  simplicity,  the  purity  of  its  tone,  its  liberty  of  principles 
and  independence  of  court  influence;  it  united  the  principal 
members  of  the  nobility  who  had  declared  in  favour  of  the 
people  by  the  double  representations  of  the  third  estate  and 
of  manhood  suffrage.  Condorcet,  Dupont,  Lafayette,  the 
Due  de  Liancourt,  were  the  principal  personages  in  this 
society.  Their  dominating  idea  was  to  give  France  a  con- 
stitution. Those  of  the  nobles  and  princes  who  wished  to 
preserve  and  fortify  the  old  constitution  of  the  States 
General  were  really  the  aristocratic  party  against  whom 
there  was  a  general  exasperation ;  but  though  the  clamour 

21 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

was  great  it  was  not  directed  against  a  great  number  of 
individuals. 

The  bulk  of  the  nation,  even  in  Paris,  looked  upon  the 
States  General  as  a' means  for  diminishing  taxes;  the  state 
bondholders,  so  often  exposed  to  the  violation  of  the  public 
debt,  looked  on  them  as  a  bulwark  against  bankruptcy. 
The  deficit  had  made  them  tremble,  they  foresaw  their  ruin, 
and  they  warmly  welcomed  the  hope  of  giving  to  the  public 
revenues  a  settled  basis.  Besides  this  there  were  many 
opposing  interests;  the  nobility  had  within  itself  an  aristo- 
cracy and  a  democracy,  the  Church  the  same,  and  also  the 
third  estate.  It  is  impossible  to  depict  the  confusion  of 
ideas,  the  disordered  imaginations,  the  burlesque  of  popular 
notions,  the  apprehensions,  the  hopes,  the  passions,  of  all 
parties.  One  could  have  imagined  it  resembled  the  world 
on  the  day  after  the  Creation,  as  remarked  the  Comte  de 
Lauraguais,  and  as  if  all  the  population  divided  in  interests, 
and  enemies  of  each  other,  wished  to  sort  and  arrange  them- 
selves as  if  no  past  had  ever  existed  or  had  to  be  considered 
in  making  provision  for  the  future.  I  witnessed  in  Paris  the 
sectional  assemblies  for  the  nomination  of  electors,  though 
orders  were  issued  only  to  admit  the  inhabitants  of  the 
district,  but  this  order  was  not  enforced ;  after  the  first  few 
minutes  anyone  who  presented  himself  in  decent  clothes 
could  pass  in.  In  several  districts  there  was  difficulty  in 
assembling  a  sufficient  number  of  people.  The  Paris  bour- 
geois was  astonished  at  the  novelty  and  a  little  frightened 
at  the  sentries  placed  at  the  doors  of  the  assemblies  and 

22 


OPENING  OF  THE  STATES  GENERAL 

preferred  staying  at  home,  at  all  events  till  the  first  day  was 
over.  I  was  in  the  division  of  the  Filles  St.  Thomas  which 
was  a  central  quarter  occupied  by  the  most  wealthy  class. 
For  a  long  time  there  were  only  two  hundred  individuals 
present.  The  difficulty  of  commencing  was  extreme,  the 
noise  dreadful,  everyone  on  their  feet  and  talking  together, 
the  best  efforts  of  the  President  only  obtaining  two  minutes 
of  silence.  There  were  many  other  difficulties  concerning 
the  taking  and  counting  of  votes. 

All  this  gave  me  some  curious  impressions  of  this  infancy 
of  Democracy.  Men  of  pretension  wished  to  speak  in  order 
to  make  themselves  known,  and  to  be  known  in  order  to 
be  elected.  One  saw  the  first  intriguing  attempts  to  make 
the  nominations  fall  on  members  of  their  own  party.  There 
was  no  list  of  candidates,  everyone  was  called  to  choose 
everyone  else.  It  was  impossible  to  obtain  an  actual  major- 
ity for  anyone,  it  was  necessary  to  repeat  and  repeat  the 
voting  till  at  last  the  result  was  obtained. 

The  assembly  of  electors  was  just  as  disorderly  and  slow 
in  its  proceedings  as  the  district  assemblies.  The  States 
General  were  to  assemble  at  Versailles  several  days  before 
the  Paris  deputations  were  nominated.  It  is  remarkable  that 
the  Abbe"  Sieyes  was  the  last  member  elected.  I  think  he 
was  the  only  ecclesiastic  nominated  by  the  third  estate. 
What  a  strange  fate  it  was  that  the  man  who  had  given  the 
most  impulse  to  the  States  General,  who  had  more  influence 
than  anyone  else  in  their  formation,  had  no  place  in  this 
Assembly. 

23 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

This  Paris  election  was  the  last  to  take  place  in  the  king- 
dom. This  arose,  I  think,  owing  to  a  dispute  as  to  its  pro- 
cedure, some  people  saying  that  the  election  ought  to  be 
conducted  by  the  three  orders  joined  together,  others  saying 
that  they  were  to  be  kept  separate.  In  the  course  of  this 
dispute  Duval  d'Espremenil,  who  was  supposed  to  be  a 
partisan  of  the  third  estate,  declared  himself  in  favour  of 
the  retention  of  privileges,  and  the  Comte  de  Lauraguais 
said  pleasantly  to  him,  "  Oh,  M.  Duval,  I  don't  wish  to  pre- 
vent your  being  noble,  if  only  you  will  allow  me  to  be  a 
bourgeois  of  Paris." 

I  was  not  at  Versailles  at  the  opening  of  the  States 
General,  but  I  went  there  a  few  days  afterwards;  the  three 
orders  were  openly  quarrelling  as  to  the  "verification  of 
Powers."  The  third  estate  wished  this  verification  to  be 
made  in  common,  the  two  other  orders  persisted  in  making 
them  separate ;  this  question  was  apparently  a  small  one,  but 
the  real  object  was  far  from  small.  The  third  estate  wished 
to  force  the  other  two  orders  to  join  them,  so  as  to  make 
one  single  assembly  where  they  were  sure  of  having  the 
majority.  They  remained  immovable,  resisted  all  tempta- 
tions to  put  the  question  to  the  test,  and  made  it  appear 
that  the  nobility  and  clergy  were  the  obstinate  ones,  which 
roused  against  them  the  temper  of  the  masses. 

It  was  a  mistake  of  the  government  to  leave  this  question 
undecided.  If  the  King  had  commanded  the  union  he  would 
have  had  the  third  estate  on  his  side ;  if  he  had  ordered  the 
separation  of  the  three  chambers  the  nobles  and  clergy 

24 


OPENING  OF  THE  STATES  GENERAL 

would  have  been  for  him.  They  would  not  have  dared  to 
open  the  States  General  in  flagrant  disobedience  to  the 
King,  who  was  looked  upon  as  the  provisional  legislator. 
But  in  taking  no  decided  part  it  left  the  question  open  to 
the  combatants,  and  the  royal  authority  would  become  the 
booty  of  the  conquerors.  I  saw  how  this  time  of  inaction 
helped  to  inflame  party  spirit.  The  third  estate  made  daily 
progress  till  it  arrived  at  the  point  of  issuing  distinct  com- 
mands to  the  other  two  orders,  and  on  their  refusal  to  obey, 
constituted  themselves  into  a  National  Assembly.  All  the 
germs  of  disorder  were  sown  during  this  interval.  The 
historian  of  the  Revolution  ought  to  give  particular  atten- 
tion to  this  epoch. 

When  I  visited  the  States  General  there  was  neither  any 
subject  of  deliberation  before  it,  nor  any  order  whatever; 
the  members  did  not  know  each  other,  though  they  were 
beginning  to  do  so;  they  sat  in  any  place  they  liked.  They 
had  chosen  the  elder  ones  to  preside,  and  they  passed  the 
day  in  waiting  about,  in  debating  little  incidents,  in  hearing 
the  news  of  the  day,  and  in  teaching  the  provincial  members 
to  get  accustomed  to  Versailles.  The  room  was  continually 
flooded  with  visitors,  with  inquisitive  people  walking  about 
and  even  invading  the  circle  intended  for  members  only, 
but  without  any  objection  on  their  part  or  thought  of  claim- 
ing their  privileges.  It  is  true  that  as  they  were  not  yet  con- 
stituted, they  looked  on  themselves  more  as  being  members 
of  a  club  than  as  forming  a  political  Assembly. 


CHAPTER  III 

MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.    THE  ABB£  SIEVES 

AT  once  found  the  man  I  was  looking  for 
— Mirabeau.  In  a  long  conversation  I 
had  with  him,  I  perceived  that  he  was 
embittered  with  everyone,  and  that  he 
was  in  open  hostility  with  most  of  the 
representatives  from  Provence.  I  knew  afterwards  that  he 
had  passed  through  some  humiliating  scenes.  At  the  roll  call 
of  members,  several  well-known  names  were  received  with 
applause.  Mounier,  Chapelin,  Rabaud  de  Saint-Etienne, 
and  many  others,  had  received  these  flattering  marks  of 
approbation,  but  at  the  name  of  Mirabeau  there  was  a 
murmur  of  a  very  different  sort,  it  was  '  booing,'  instead  of 
cheering.  This  contemptuous  insult  showed  him  in  what 
his  celebrity  consisted,  and  it  was  thought  possible  that  his 
election  might  be  declared  illegal  when  the  verification  of 
the  writs  of  return  came  to  be  discussed.  His  manoeuvres 
in  connection  with  his  elections  at  Aix  and  Marseilles 
would  certainly  be  exposed  in  order  to  annul  his  double 
nomination,  and  he  himself  felt  the  futility  of  his  Marseilles 
election,  and  preferred  to  be  returned  by  the  electors  of 
Aix,  though  it  would  have  been  more  flattering  to  him  to 
be  the  representative  of  one  of  the  largest  and  most  import- 

26 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.   THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

ant  towns  of  the  kingdom.  He  had  wished  to  speak  on  two 
or  three  occasions,  but  a  general  murmur  had  prevented  his 
being  heard.  It  was  in  this  condition  of  spite  and  temper 
that  he  published  the  two  first  numbers  of  a  journal,  which 
he  called  "  The  States  General."  It  was  a  sort  of  caricature 
of  the  Assembly;  he  compared  the  members  with  noisy 
school-boys  indulging  in  indecent  and  servile  rollicking, 
and  he  attacked  M.  Necker  violently,  though  he  was  then 
the  idol  of  the  nation.  The  government  had  commanded 
the  suppression  of  this  anonymous  publication ;  Mirabeau, 
more  excited  than  discouraged  bythe  prohibition, announced 
the  publication  under  his  own  name  as  the  "  Letters  to  his 
Constituents,"  and  no  one  dared  to  dispute  the  right  of  a 
representative  of  the  people  to  give  an  account  of  the  pub- 
lic sittings  of  the  Assembly. 

With  the  friendship  I  had  for  Mirabeau,  and  the  high 
idea  I  had  formed  of  his  talents,  I  could  not,  without 
chagrin,  see  him  so  out  of  favour.  It  would  probably  be  the 
cause  of  his  doing  as  much  harm  as  he  might  otherwise 
have  done  good.  I  listened  to  all  his  complaints,  to  all  his 
abuse  of  the  Assembly;  he  lavished  every  expression  of 
contempt  on  its  members,  and  predicted  that  everything 
would  be  lost  owing  to  their  vanity  and  jealousy.  He 
believed,  or  pretended  to  believe,  that  he  was  "  ostracised  " 
on  account  of  his  superior  talents,  but  he  meant  to  impress 
on  the  Assembly  the  fact  that  he  was  a  power  with  which 
it  must  reckon,  that  the  Nation  held  him  of  account,  and 
that  his  influence  would  be  a  weight  in  the  balance. 

27 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  explosions  of  anger  and  bravado, 
I  could  easily  perceive  that  he  was  genuinely  grieved,  and 
tears  of  vexation  were  in  his  eyes.  I  chose  a  favourable 
moment  to  soothe  his  wounded  pride,  and  represented  to 
him  frankly  that  his  first  appearance  had  offended  every- 
one; that  there  was  nothing  more  disadvantageous  for  a 
member  who  wished  to  aspire  to  a  high  place  than  to  be 
the  editor  of  a  newspaper,  and  that  to  criticise  the  Assem- 
bly was  certainly  not  the  way  to  make  himself  popular, 
that  if,  like  me,  he  had  lived  in  a  Republic,  he  would 
understand  the  give  and  take  of  different  parties,  and  would 
not  give  way  so  hurriedly  to  despair;  that  he  ought  to 
ignore  all  the  mediocre  and  second-rate  nonentities,  who 
would  eventually  extinguish  themselves  and  sink  to  their 
proper  level;  that  he  must  think  of  himself  as  an  actor  in 
the  greatest  theatre  in  the  world;  that  the  Assembly  pro- 
vided him  with  the  only  means  of  attaining  glory ;  that  all 
the  little  mortifications  that  he  had  experienced  would  be 
more  than  compensated  for  by  one  day  of  success,  and  that 
if  he  wished  to  acquire  a  durable  influence,  he  must  work 
on  a  new  plan.  This  long  conversation,  which  took  place 
in  the  Trianon  Gardens,  had  a  great  effect.  Mirabeau,  who 
was  extremely  sensible  to  kindness,  softened  gradually  and 
had  no  difficulty  in  owning  his  mistakes.  At  the  end  of  the 
interview,  he  let  me  see  a  letter  to  his  constituents  which 
he  was  going  to  print.  We  read  it  together;  it  was  bitter, 
but  less  so  than  formerly.  We  passed  an  hour  or  two  in 
remodelling  it,  and  in  entirely  changing  its  tone. 

28 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.   THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

He  even  consented  to  praise  some  of  the  members,  and 
to  present  the  Assembly  under  a  more  favourable  aspect. 

Besides  this,  he  agreed  not  to  be  in  a  hurry  to  speak,  but 
to  wait  till  some  brilliant  opportunity  should  arise. 

Mirabeau  was  only  slightly  acquainted  with  Duroverai, 
though  he  appreciated  his  talents.  The  latter's  experience 
in  the  conduct  of  political  affairs  in  Geneva,  his  accurate 
knowledge  of  law,  the  art  of  discussion,  which  he  possessed' 
in  a  high  degree,  and  the  knowledge  of  the  routine  work  of 
popular  assemblies ;  all  these  things  made  an  intimacy  with 
Duroverai  very  valuable  for  Mirabeau.  He  took  him  in  some 
ways  as  his  mentor,  and  consulted  him  on  any  important 
undertaking.  We  were  lodging  at  Versailles  in  the  Hotel 
Charost;  Claviere,  who  often  came  from  Paris  to  visit  the 
Assembly,  used  to  come  to  us.  He  had  become  intimate  with 
Mirabeau,  and  very  often  came  to  the  hotel,  where,  from 
time  to  time,  we  received  a  few  friends  united  by  a  common 
sympathy,  including  our  compatriot,  M.  Reybaz.  We  had 
tried  to  put  him  in  relation  with  Mirabeau,  but  for  a  long 
time  it  was  difficult  for  them  to  amalgamate.  Reybaz,  with 
his  frigidity,  repelled  the  most  flattering  advances,  but  he  at 
last  gave  in  and  became  one  of  his  most  active  fellow  workers. 
But  this  was  some  months  later,  when  the  Assembly  was  in 
Paris  and  Mirabeau  was  taking  a  leading  part  in  it.  I  saw 
several  important  measures  prepared  in  this  little  committee; 
I  can  speak  all  the  more  freely  about  them  as  I  was  more  of 
a  spectator  than  an  actor,  never  having  mixed  myself  up 
in  political  affairs,  and  not  having  the  smallest  ambition 

29 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

to  play  a  role  in  them.  I  had  also  such  a  high  idea  of  the 
talents  of  Duroverai  and  of  Claviere,  that  I  generally  agreed 
with  them.  I  was  useful  in  preventing  stormy  disputes  be- 
tween them,  and  managed  to  calm  them  when  their  different 
passions,  which  I  never  shared,  were  opposed  to  each  other. 
Duroverai,  with  many  amiable  qualities,  had  some  asperities 
of  temper,  and  often  treated  Mirabeau  as  a  rebellious  school 
boy.  Claviere,  who  aspired  to  be  Finance  Minister,  was 
in  a  hurry  to  act,  and  did  not  lend  himself  willingly 
to  Duroverai's  plan  of  uniting  Mirabeau  and  Necker,  and, 
by  their  coalition,  forcing  the  Assembly  on  its  onward  path. 
Duroverai  knew  M.  Mallouet,  who  was  intimate  with  M. 
Necker  and  who  had  rendered  some  services  to  the  represent- 
atives of  Geneva.  We  dined  with  Mallouet  pretty  often,  and 
it  was  there  that  he  made  Duroverai  feel  the  necessity  of 
arranging  an  interview  between  Mirabeau  and  M.  Necker. 
Objections  were  not  wanting  to  this;  could  he  be  trusted? 
Would  he  co-operate  with  a  minister?  Would  not  M.  Necker 
be  compromised?  Duroverai  had  an  answer  for  everything. 
M.  de  Montmorin  was  consulted,  the  conference  took  place, 
and  Mirabeau,  who  had  never  seen  M.  Necker,  spoke  to  us 
about  him,  on  his  return  from  the  interview,  as  a  good  man 
to  whom  it  was  a  great  mistake  to  attribute  either  malice  or 
a  designing  disposition.  However,  the  interview  was  not 
altogether  barren ;  there  was  some  question  of  an  embassy 
being  given  to  Mirabeau  after  theconclusion  of  the  Assembly. 
It  was  to  have  been  that  of  Constantinople,  and  was  even 
supposed  to  have  been  promised  by  the  King.  This  promise 

30 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.   THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

was  to  remain  a  secret,  but  I  think  Mirabeau,  who  was  the 
least  discreet  of  men,  confided  it  to  seven  or  eight  people. 
But  the  subsequent  turn  of  affairs,  and  the  great  influence 
achieved  by  Mirabeau,  lifted  him  far  above  an  embassy,  and 
put  him  much  more  in  the  position  of  dictating  conditions 
than  of  receiving  them.  At  this  time,  when  no  one  foresaw 
the  duration  of  the  States  General,  still  less  the  destruction 
of  the  Monarchy,  this  project  pleased  him  very  much;  he 
wished  to  make  me  Secretary  of  Embassy,  and  was  already 
meditating  writing  an  Ottoman  encyclopaedia. 

But  before  this  circumstance,  I  must  recount  Mirabeau's 
first  triumph  in  the  Assembly.  I  was  all  the  more  interested 
in  it,  as  the  event  was  connected  with  Duroverai,  and,  dur- 
ing its  progress,  I  passed  from  the  most  terrible  anxiety  to 
the  greatest  joy.  Duroverai  was  sitting  in  the  chamber,  with 
several  members  of  his  acquaintance,  and  passed  a  pencil 
note  to  Mirabeau  on  the  affair  being  discussed  at  the 

moment.    M ,  who  was  one  of  the  most  terrible  prosers 

in  the  Assembly,  witnessed  this,  and  asked  his  neighbour 
who  the  stranger  was  who  passed  round  notes  and  appeared 
to  mix  himself  up  in  their  affairs.  The  answer  he  received 
only  increased  his  excitement;  he  burst  into  speech  and 
denounced,  in  a  voice  of  thunder,  the  stranger  exiled  from 
his  country,  a  refugee  and  pensioner  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment, who  came  to  take  part  in  their  deliberations,  and  who 
was  sitting  amongst  them  sending  notes  to  their  members ; 
and  he  announced  that  he  had  himself  witnessed  these 
manoeuvres.  The  murmur  which  rose  from  all  parts  of  the 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Chamber  would  have  appeared  less  dreadful  to  me  if  it  had 
foretold  an  earthquake.  Confused  voices  arose,  "Who  is 
he  ?  What  is  he?  We  must  know  at  once."  Fifty  people 
began  to  talk  together,  but  Mirabeau's  compelling  voice 
imposed  silence ;  he  declared  that  he  would  himself  reveal 
the  identity  of  the  stranger,  and  denounce  him  to  the  As- 
sembly. "  This  exile,"  he  said, "  this  pensioner  of  the  English 
Government,  is  M.  Duroverai  of  Geneva;  but  you  must  know 
that  the  respectable  man  you  have  been  insulting  has  been 
a  martyr  for  liberty  in  his  own  country,  that,  as  Advocate- 
General  of  the  Republic,  he  earned,  by  his  zeal  for  the  de- 
fence of  its  citizens,  the  indignation  of  our  despots ;  that  a 
"  lettre  de  cachet "  issued  by  M.  de  Vergennes  deprived  him 
of  the  office  of  magistrate,  which  he  had  so  well  filled,  and 
that  when  this  town  was  placed  under  the  yoke  of  the  aris- 
tocracy, he  obtained  the  honour  of  being  exiled.  Know, 
therefore,  that  the  crime  of  this  enlightened  citizen  was  that 
of  having  prepared  a  liberal  code,  in  which  all  odious  and 
unfair  privileges  were  to  disappear." 

The  impression  of  this  speech,  delivered  in  a  noble  and 
striking  tone,  was  immediate  and  universal.  Applause 
started  from  all  sides  of  the  Chamber,  such  force  and  dignity 
had  not  yet  been  heard  in  the  tumultuous  sittings  of  the 
Commons;  it  was  a  new  joy,  for  eloquence  has  the  greatest 
of  charms  for  men  assembled  together.  Mirabeau  felt  this 
first  success  most  thoroughly.  Duroverai  was  surrounded 
by  members,  who  came  up  to  him,  wishing,  by  their  civility 
to  make  up  to  him  for  the  insult  he  had  received.  It  was  in 

32 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.    THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

this  way  that  this  denunciation,  which  had  frozen  me  with 
horror,  became  a  source  of  lively  satisfaction,  all  the  more 
so,  as  it  could  not  fail  to  produce  in  Geneva  a  great  effect 
for  the  restoration  of  our  exiles.  One  can  understand  that 
this  courageous  onslaught  in  the  cause  of  justice  and  friend- 
ship was  not  lost  on  us,  and  that  we  were  still  further  linked 
together  by  gratitude  for  it.  If  Mirabeau  had  always  served 
the  cause  of  the  public  as  well  as  he  did  that  of  his  friend, 
and  if  he  had  acted  with  the  same  generous  zeal  in  silencing 
other  calumnies  which  issued  from  the  Tribune,  he  would 
have  become  the  saviour  of  France.  I  have  not  many  re- 
collections of  this  first  phase  of  the  Assembly,  but  I  must 
not  forget  that  on  this  occasion  the  man,  who  afterwards 
acquired  a  fatal  celebrity,  made  his  first  success.  The  clergy, 
who  wished  to  secure  by  a  surprise  movement  the  re-union 
of  the  three  Orders,  had  sent  to  the  Commons  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Aix,  who  delivered  a  pathetic  speech  on  the  mis- 
fortunes of  the  people  and  the  misery  in  general  in  the 
country.  He  produced  a  piece  of  black  bread  which  even 
animals  would  have  refused  to  eat,  to  which  he  said  the 
poor  were  reduced.  He  invited  the  Commons  to  send  some 
of  their  members  to  confer  with  those  of  the  clergy  and 
nobility,  to  see  if  some  means  could  not  be  devised  to 
ameliorate  the  fate  of  these  unfortunate  people.  The  Com- 
mons, who  wished  to  keep  their  independence  of  action, 
saw  the  trap,  but  did  not  dare  to  reject  openly  a  proposition, 
the  refusal  of  which  would  compromise  them  in  the  eyes  of 
the  multitude.  One  member  rose  to  speak,  and  even  went 

33  D 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

beyond  the  Prelate  in  favour  of  the  indigent  classes,  but  he 
cleverly  threw  doubt  on  the  general  intentions  of  the  clergy. 

"Go,"  he  said  to  the  Archbishop,  "and  tell  your  col- 
leagues that  if  they  are  in  such  a  hurry  to  help  the  people, 
they  should  come  to  this  Chamber,  to  the  friends  of  the 
people,  tell  them  no  longer  to  retard  our  operations  by  their 
pretended  delays,  tell  them  no  longer  to  employ  little  tricks 
to  make  us  abandon  the  resolutions  we  have  agreed  to,  and 
above  all,  you  ministers  of  religion,  worthy  imitators  of 
your  Master,  renounce  all  the  luxury  by  which  you  are 
surrounded,  and  all  the  display  which  wounds  the  feelings 
of  the  poor.  Regain  your  original  state  of  simplicity ;  send 
away  the  conceited  lacqueys  who  escort  you;  sell  your 
superb  equipages,  and  convert  all  this  vile  surperfluity  into 
food  for  the  poor!  " 

At  this  speech,  which  was  so  well  suited  to  the  passions 
of  the  moment,  there  arose,  not  a  torrent  of  applause,  which 
would  have  been  a  bravado,  but  a  confused  murmur,  which 
was  more  flattering.  Everyone  asked  who  was  the  orator; 
he  was  not  known,  and  it  was  only  after  some  minutes  of 
investigation  that  a  name  was  repeated  from  mouth  to 
mouth  which,  three  years  later,  was  destined  to  make  France 
tremble.  It  was  that  of  Robespierre.  Reybaz,  who  was 
sitting  next  me,  said,  "  This  young  man  is  not  yet  experi- 
enced, he  is  too  verbose,  and  does  not  know  when  to  stop, 
but  he  has  a  fund  of  eloquence  and  originality  which  will 
not  be  lost  in  the  crowd." 

I  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  several  members,  and 

34 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.    THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

X* 

often  dined  with  the  Bishop  of  Chartres,  to  whom  I  had 
been  introduced  by  Brissot  and  Claviere.  I  saw  there  the 
Abb6  Sieyes,  who  was  his  deputy,  but  I  never  made  much 
acquaintance  with  him;  he  was  a  very  absent-minded  man, 
not  frank  or  genial,  and  it  was  not  easy  to  be  on  familiar 
terms  with  him ;  he  gave  his  opinion,  but  did  not  enter  into 
discussions;  if  one  objected  to  them,  he  said  no  more.  His 
writings  had  given  him  a  decided  reputation,  he  was  looked 
on  as  the  oracle  of  the  third  estate  and  the  most  redoubtable 
enemy  of  all  privileges.  He  easily  lost  his  temper,  and 
appeared  to  have  a  most  profound  contempt  for  the  existing 
orders  of  society.  I  thought  that  this  friend  of  liberty  ought 
to  love  the  English  and  would  agree  with  me  about  them, 
but  I  saw  with  surprise  that  the  whole  English  Constitution 
seemed  to  him  a  quack  remedy,  meant  to  impose  on  the 
populace.  He  appeared  to  listen  to  me  with  pity  when  I 
explained  to  him  the  modifications  of  this  system,  the  re- 
ciprocal give  and  take,  the  hidden  springs,  the  real,  though 
apparently  concealed,  dependence  on  each  other  of  all  these 
three  parties  which  constituted  the  legislature.  In  his  eyes, 
all  crown  influence  must  be  venal,  all  opposition  only  a 
backstairs  trick.  The  only  thing  he  liked  in  England  was 
the  trial  by  jury,  but  he  understood  it  very  incompletely, 
and,  like  all  Frenchmen,  had  formed  false  ideas  about  it ;  in 
one  word,  it  was  clear  that  he  looked  on  the  English  as 
children  in  regard  to  these  matters,  and  that  he  thought  he 
was  competent  to  give  a  much  better  constitution  to  France. 
I  must  not  forget  one  most  characteristic  anecdote  about 

35 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

the  Abb6  Sieyes.  One  day,  after  having  breakfasted  with 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  we  were  walking  together  in  the  Tuileries 
gardens ;  the  Abb6  was  more  talkative  and  communicative 
than  usual.  He  was  in  a  most  confidential  and  familiar 
mood,  and  after  having  spoken  of  many  of  his  writings  and 
studies  he  gave  out  this  striking  sentiment,  "  The  science  of 
Government  is  one  that  I  think  I  have  mastered."  If  he  had 
even  touched  the  fringe  of  the  question,  or  had  had  the 
smallest  conception  of  the  extent  and  difficulties  of  creating 
a  perfect  legislation,  he  could  not  possibly  have  held  this 
language.  Such  presumption  was  in  his  case,  as  in  all  others, 
a  sure  sign  of  ignorance.  The  Bishop  of  Chartres  and 
M.  Lasseney  informed  me  as  to  Sieyes'  habits  and  studies, 
and  the  manner  in  which  he  had  educated  himself,  for  one 
saw  that  nothing  remained  in  him  of  his  theological  training, 
or  of  the  influence  of  the  Sorbonne.  I  learned  that,  at 
Chartres,  where  he  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  summer, 
he  lived  almost  as  a  recluse,  not  liking  the  provincial  society, 
and  putting  himself  out  for  nobody.  He  read  little,  and 
thought  a  great  deal ;  the  works  he  liked  best  were 
Rousseau's  "  Contrat  Social,"  and  Adam  Smith's  "  Wealth 
of  Nations."  He  had  written  much,  but  could  not  bear  the 
trouble  of  revising  what  he  wrote;  he  did  not  think  he  had 
the  art  of  composition,  and  in  this  respect,  he  envied  the 
facility  and  energy  of  Mirabeau,  and  would  have  liked  to 
find  some  one  capable  of  correcting  his  manuscripts  and 
giving  them  the  final  revising  of  which  he  was  incapable. 
He  'did  not  care  much  for  the  society  of  women,  but  was 

36 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.    THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

passionately  fond  of  music,  of  which  he  had  a  thorough 
knowledge,  and  in  which  he  could  perform  with  success.  At 
this  epoch,  he  was  the  real  leader  of  the  third  estate,  though 
he  was  less  in  evidence  than  anyone  else. 

Full  of  ardour  and  activity  for  his  party,  he  made  other 
people  work  more  than  he  worked  himself,  he  laid  the  plans 
for  the  battle,  though,  on  the  day  itself,  he  remained  in  his 
tent.  Girardin  said  of  him,  that  he  was  to  his  party  what 
the  mole  is  to  the  turf,  that  he  burrows  and  upheaves  it. 

The  Bishop  of  Chartres  was  one  of  the  bishops  attached 
to  the  popular  party,  that  is  to  say,  he  was  for  the  union  of 
the  Orders,  manhood  suffrage  and  a  new  constitution ;  he 
was  not  a  politician,  nor  had  he  a  great  intellect,  but  he  had 
such  good  faith  and  candour,  that  nothing  dismayed  him, 
he  never  imagined  that  the  third  estate  could  have  other 
ideas  than  to  reform  abuses  and  to  act  justly.  A  stranger 
to  all  intrigues,  with  sincere  intentions,  he  followed  only  the 
dictates  of  his  conscience,  and  was  animated  by  the  purest 
sentiments  of  duty.  His  religion  resembled  his  politics,  he 
was  firm  in  his  faith,  but  tolerant,  and  rejoiced  to  see 
protestants  freed  from  all  restrictions.  He  expected  the 
clergy  to  be  obliged  to  make  great  sacrifices,  but  not  to  be 
the  victims  of  the  Revolution.  I  saw  him  at  the  time  that 
the  property  of  the  Church  was  declared  to  belong  to  the 
Nation ;  and  I  found  him  one  day,  with  tears  in  his  eyes, 
sending  away  his  old  servants,  reducing  his  hospitable  house 
and  selling  some  of  his  valuable  goods,  in  order  to  pay  his 
debts.  He  told  me  his  sorrows  with  entire  confidence,  his 

37 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

regrets  were  not  for  himself,  but  he  accused  himself  of  having 
been  deceived  and  of  having  taken  the  side  of  the  third 
estate,  who,  when  they  became  powerful,  renounced  the 
engagements  they  had  undertaken  in  their  weakness.  How 
sad  it  was,  that  a  good  man  should  have  contributed  so  much 
to  the  success  of  such  an  unjust  party!  But  no  man  had  ever 
less  cause  to  reproach  himself.  I  must  not  omit  two  anecdotes 
about  him,  which  I  cannot  remember  without  emotion.  In 
the  days  of  the  first  disturbances,  he  was  sent  by  the 
Assembly  to  a  village  near  Versailles,to  rescue  an  unfortunate 
baker,  named  Thomassin,  with  whom  the  people  were  furious. 
He  had  in  vain  employed  every  argument  in  his  favour, 
but  he  saw  these  savages  seize  the  unfortunate  man,  in  order 
to  tear  him  to  pieces ;  there  was  only  a  minute  to  save  him ; 
the  worthy  Bishop  threw  himself  on  his  knees  in  the  thick 
mud,  and  implored  them  to  put  him  to  death  rather  than 
allow  him  to  be  the  witness  of  such  a  monstrous  crime;  and 
the  crowd  of  frenzied  men  and  women,  astonished  at  this 
noble  humility,  retired  in  a  respectful  way  and  allowed  him 
time  to  get  poor  Thomassin  into  his  carriage,  but  he  was 
already  half  dead,  and  covered  with  blood  and  dirt. 

The  other  anecdote  is  not  to  be  compared  to  this  one,  but 
it  shows  his  delicate  sense  of  honour.  At  the  time  when  the 
supposed  national  reforms  were  already  causing  much  misery, 
he  bought  a  gold  box,  which  had  been  offered  him  for  a  very 
small  sum.  On  bringing  it  home,  he  found  that  the  box  was 
worth  much  more  than  he  had  given  for  it.  Anxious  about 
his  acquisition,  and  fearing  that  he  had  profited  by  the  want 

38 


MIRABEAU'S  POSITION.    THE  ABBE  SIEVES 

of  the  seller,  he  had  no  peace  till  he  found  him,  in  order  to 
give  him  some  more  money,  though  he  would  much  rather 
have  returned  the  box  itself,  which,  at  the  price  it  was  worth, 
was  more  than  he  could  afford.  "  But,"  he  said,  "  if  I  give  it 
back,  perhaps  he  may  be  forced  by  poverty  to  sell  it  still 
more  badly;  it  is  a  small  sacrifice,  and  probably  the  last  one 
I  shall  be  in  a  position  to  make." 

After  the  emigration,  this  excellent  man  was  concealed  in 
some  village  in  Germany,  and  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne, 
who  had  known  him  at  Spa,  sent  him,  in  a  round-about  way, 
a  note  for  a  hundred  louis.  He  would  riot  receive  it,  declaring 
that  if  he  could  not  discharge  the  debt,  he  must  know  the 
name  of  his  benefactor,  and  not  be  prevented  from  showing 
his  gratitude.  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  Lord  Lans- 
downe's  interpreter,  and  of  showing  him  in  his  misfortune 
the  respect  in  which  he  was  held  by  those  who  had  known 
him  in  his  prosperity. 


39 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   ROYAL  SESSION 

I  ORE  than  a  month  had  passed  in  this  state 
of  waiting  when  Sieyes  thought  it  was  time 
to  issue  a  positive  summons  to  the  two 
orders,  and  on  their  refusal  to  attend,  he 
proceeded  to  verify  the  writs  of  returns  to 
make  the  Commons  begin  work.  The  time,  though  appar- 
ently lost,  had  been  put  to  very  good  profit  by  the  members 
of  the  third  estate.  They  had  gained  in  public  favour :  the 
two  other  orders  were  divided.  The  minority  of  the  clergy 
were  very  nearly  in  favour  of  equality.  The  masses,  who 
only  looked  on  the  surface  of  any  question,  considered  the 
nobility  and  clergy  obstinate  people  who  would  never  agree 
to  anything  because  they  refused  to  meet  in  the  same 
chamber  as  the  members  of  the  third  estate.  The  people  of 
Versailles  got  into  the  way  of  insulting  those  whom  they 
termed  aristocrats,  both  in  the  streets  and  at  the  doors  of  the 
Assembly.  The  power  of  this  word  became  magical,  as  do 
all  party  names.  What  astonishes  me  is  that  there  was  no 
contrary  word  to  denote  those  of  the  opposing  party — that 
which  was  called  the  "  Nation."  One  can  imagine  the  effect 
of  these  two  terms  opposed  to  each  other.  The  people  of 

40 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

Paris,  so  easy  to  govern,  and  so  weak  when  they  were  in  a 
quiet  condition,  gradually  became  beside  themselves  and  as 
blown  out  with  imflammable  gas  as  a  balloon. 

Though  the  Commons  were  already  aware  of  their 
strength,  opinion  was  divided  among  them  as  to  the  best 
means  of  using  their  power,  and  also  as  to  what  name  to 
give  the  Assembly.  They  had  not  yet  the  audacity  they 
showed  later  on.  Men  who  were  farseeing  judged  that  this 
decision  would  have  the  greatest  consequences.  To  declare 
themselves  the  "  National  Assembly  "  was  to  count  the  King, 
the  Nobility,  and  the  Clergy  for  nothing.  It  would  be  the 
beginning  of  a  civil  war  if  the  Government  had  enough 
energy  for  this.  To  call  themselves  simply  the  "Assembly 
of  the  Commons  "  was  to  state  an  indubitable  fact,  but  it  did 
not  force  the  Nobility  and  Clergy  to  join  them :  it  allowed 
the  division  of  chambers  to  continue.  Several  other  names 
were  suggested  which  did  not  clearly  express  either  of  these 
two  views,  as  everyone  was  anxious  to  conceal  their  real 
opinions,  and  even  Sieyes,  who  rejected  anything  that  was 
in  favour  of  preserving  the  three  orders,  did  not  dare  all  at 
once  declare  the  decisive  title  of  "  National  Assembly."  He 
proposed  an  ambiguous  phrase  which  suggested  this  idea 
but  did  not  clearly  express  it.  It  was  only  at  the  end  of  a 
two  or  three  days'  debate  that  he  took  the  plunge  and  em- 
ployed a  member  called  Le  Grand  to  put  the  motion.  This 
appeal  to  the  vote,  which  lasted  well  into  the  night,  had 
about  it  something  sinister  and  alarming.  With  much 
difficulty  absolute  silence  had  been  imposed  on  the  galleries. 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

It  was  a  test  for  both  sides.  There  were  eighty  votes  to  re- 
ject the  name  of  "  National  Assembly "  and  nearly  five 
hundred  to  adopt  it.  I  have  reserved  for  a  separate  article 
the  part  that  Mirabeau  played  in  this  important  discussion. 
This  essential  point  had  been  thoroughly  discussed  in  our 
little  society.  The  danger  of  a  rupture  with  the  court  and 
nobility,  the  harm  of  opening  the  States  General  with  a 
quarrel  between  the  orders,  the  necessary  recourse  to  dis- 
astrous methods  to  carry  out  this  first  step  and  to  overcome 
resistance; — all  these  considerations  were  duly  considered; 
but  that  which  had  still  more  influence  on  us  was,  that  we 
had  in  our  minds  as  a  model,  the  English  Constitution,  and 
that  the  division  of  the  legislative  body  into  two  divisions 
appeared  to  us  far  preferable  to  a  single  assembly  with  no 
curb  or  restraining  influence.  This  course  once  adopted,  it 
was  not  easy  to  persuade  Mirabeau  to  support  it.  It  was 
going  against  the  tide  of  popular  opinion :  it  required  courage 
to  put  himself  into  declared  opposition  to  Sieyes,  against 
the  Bretons  and  against  the  Palais  Royal,  and  to  expose 
himself  to  all  the  calumnies,  all  the  clamour,  and  all  the 
suspicions  which  his  apparent  deviation  from  democratic 
principles  would  produce.  But  Mirabeau  possessed  in  a 
great  degree  the  courage  suitable  to  the  occasion.  He  had 
no  dislike  for  a  vigorous  opposition,  he  did  not  care  about 
Sieyes  or  the  Bretons,  who  did  not  flatter  him :  in  short  he 
relied  on  his  own  powers  of  eventually  regaining  popularity 
if  this  motion  made  him  lose  it.  He  temporised  with  the 
dominant  party  in  a  very  equivocal  speech,  in  which  he 

42 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

treated  the  privileged  orders  with  contempt,  but  he  concluded 
by  proposing  that  the  Commons  should  organise  themselves 
under  the  title  of  "Deputes  du  peuple  Franqais" 

This  motion  was  at  first  neither  well  understood  nor 
violently  objected  to,  but  when  they  saw  that  Mallouet,  who 
passed  for  a  ministerialist,  took  that  side,  and  that  he  was 
carrying  the  moderate  party  with  him,  the  popular  party 
were  alarmed  and  began  a  violent  attack  on  Mirabeau.  The 
word  "people,"  which  appeared  at  first  to  be  synonymous 
with  the  word  "  nation,"  was  represented  from  another  point 
of  view  as  if  it  were  opposed  to  the  nobility  and  clergy,  who 
were  not  the  people,  and  who  pretended  to  be  superior  to 
them.  Insults  were  freely  exchanged.  The  author  of  the 
motion  was  looked  on  as  an  aristocrat  in  disguise,  who 
wished  to  degrade  the  French  nation  by  applying  to  it 
this  name.  The  storm  increased  by  degrees  and  seemed  to 
foretell  a  fatal  outburst.  I  was  sitting  at  the  time  in  one  of 
the  galleries  talking  to  a  young  Scotsman,  Lord  Elgin,  who 
was  much  pleased  with  Mirabeau's  motion.  Indignant  at  all 
the  foolish  ideas  that  arose  from  the  use  of  the  word  "people," 
I  could  not  resist  the  pleasure  of  writing  down  what  I  would 
have  said  had  I  been  a  member  of  the  Assembly.  After 
some  reasonings  on  the  grounds  of  the  question,  I  wrote  in 
pencil  a  sort  of  apostrophe  or  peroration  addressed  to  all 
the  pretended  friends  of  Liberty  who  thought  themselves  de- 
graded by  being  the  "Members  of  the  People."  This  manu- 
script, rapidly  scribbled,  was  not  wanting  in  spirit  and  go. 
Lord  Elgin  begged  me  to  let  him  read  it  and,  as  I  had  no 

43 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

ulterior  object,  I  gave  him  the  paper,  with  which  he  seemed 
very  much  pleased.  The  dinner  hour  now  interrupted  the 
sitting;  I  was  dining  with  Mirabeauand  Duroverai,  and  the 
latter  reproached  him  with  the  weakness  of  his  speech,  and 
showed  him  that  he  had  forgotten  his  strongest  and  most 
convincing  arguments.  I  showed  him  my  rough  sketch,  and 
the  peroration  seemed  so  triumphant  to  him  that  he  deter- 
mined in  an  instant  to  hurl  this  scorching  thunderbolt  at 
their  heads. 

"  That  is  not  possible,"  I  replied,  "  for  I  have  already 
shown  it  to  Lord  Elgin  who  was  by  my  side  in  the 
gallery." 

"  Oh !  it  does  not  matter  to  me  if  you  have  shown  it  to 
the  whole  world.  I  will  quote  it  as  the  most  apt  passage 
written  on  the  situation." 

Duroverai,  who  had  the  success  of  the  motion  greatly  at 
heart,  wrote  straight  off  a  refutation  of  all  others.  Mirabeau 
copied  it  as  quickly  as  he  could,  and  the  result  was  a  toler- 
ably completed  speech,  for  which  he  only  required  to  gain 
a  hearing.  He  had  difficulty  in  obtaining  this,  but  the 
galleries  took  so  much  pleasure  in  listening  to  him,  that  the 
Assembly  did  not  dare  to  interrupt.  The  exordium  that  I 
wrote  attracted  a  good  deal  of  attention.  The  arguments 
of  the  speech  were  passed  by  between  mingled  applause 
and  murmurs,  but  this  peroration,  which  he  pronounced  in 
a  voice  of  thunder,  and  to  which  he  compelled  attention  by 
a  kind  of  terror,  made  a  great  sensation.  There  were  not 
cries,  but  convulsions  of  rage.  The  agitation  was  general. 

44 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

A  storm  of  insults  burst  from  all  quarters  on  the  orator,  who 
remained  quietly  standing  immovable,  while  the  poor 
author  of  this  unfortunate  effort,  petrified  in  a  corner,  was 
groaning  at  the  failure,  so  disastrous  both  to  his  friend  and 
to  the  cause.  This  is  the  peroration : 

"  I  persevere  in  my  motion  and  in  the  only  expression 
which  has  been  attacked — I  mean  in  the  designation  of  the 
'  French  People.'  I  adopt  it,  I  defend  it,  I  proclaim  it 
aloud  for  the  very  reason  that  makes  it  opposed.  Yes,  it  is 
because  the  name  of  the  people  is  not  sufficiently  respected 
in  France,  because  it  is  befogged,  covered  with  the  rust  of 
prejudice,  because  it  suggests  an  idea  to  us,  at  which  pride 
is  alarmed  and  vanity  revolts,  because  it  is  pronounced  with 
contempt  in  the  aristocratic  chamber — for  these  reasons, 
Gentlemen,  I  should  like  to  impose  on  ourselves  the  task 
not  only  of  elevating  it,  but  of  ennobling  it,  and  to  make  it 
for  the  future  respected  by  the  ministry  and  beloved  by  all. 
If  this  name  were  not  our  own,  it  would  be  the  one  we 
should  choose  before  all  others,  we  should  look  upon  it  as 
the  most  precious  means  of  serving  the  People,  who  exist, 
who  are  all  important,  whom  we  represent,  whose  rights  we 
defend,  from  whom  we  have  received  our  own,  and  whose 
name  we  now  appear  to  blush  to  borrow  to  designate  our 
denominations  and  our  titles. — Ah!  if  the  choice  of  this 
name  would  only  restore  to  the  down-trodden  people  their 
firmness  and  courage!  My  soul  rises  in  the  contemplation 
of  the  happy  consequences  that  may  in  the  future  follow 
this  name.  The  people  would  only  look  to  us,  and  we  should 

45 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

look  to  the  people.  Our  title  will  serve  to  recall  to  us  our 
duties  and  our  strength.  Under  the  shadow  of  a  name 
which  neither  causes  fright  nor  apprehension,  we  plant  a 
germ,  we  disperse  the  dark  shadows  which  would  overpower 
it.  We  will  protect  it.  Future  generations  will  sit  under 
the  beneficent  shadow  of  its  spreading  branches. 

"  Representatives  of  the  people,  can  you  answer  me?  Will 
you  go  and  tell  your  constituents  that  you  have  rejected 
the  name  of  People,  that  even  if  you  have  not  been 
ashamed  of  it,  you  have  nevertheless  tried  to  elude  the 
designation  which  did  not  appear  brilliant  enough  for  you, 
that  you  require  a  more  pompous  title  than  the  one  that 
has  been  conferred  on  you?  Oh!  do  you  not  see  that  the 
name  of  the  People  is  a  necessary  one  for  you,  because  it 
makes  them  recognize  the  fact  that  their  interests  are  bound 
up  with  yours,  because  it  will  teach  them  to  let  all  their 
thoughts  and  hopes  centre  in  you.  The  heroes  of  the  Low 
Countries,  when  they  laid  the  foundations  of  their  national 
liberties,  were  more  clever  than  we.  They  took  the  name 
of"  Gueux,"  and  would  have  no  other  title  than  this,  because 
their  tyrants  had  imagined  that  the  name  would  be  a  source 
of  contempt,  and  this  title,  by  attaching  to  them  an  immense 
class  which  was  despised  by  the  aristocratic  despotism,  was 
at  once  their  glory,  their  strength,  and  the  pledge  of  their 
success.  The  friends  of  liberty  choose  the  name  which  is 
most  useful  to  them,  and  not  the  one  which  flatters  them 
most.  They  deck  themselves  out  in  the  insults  of  their 
enemies,  and  by  doing  this  they  take  away  the  power  of 

46 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

being  humiliated  by  expressions  which  they  are  able  to 
convert  into  titles  of  honour." 

After  the  tumult  had  a  little  subsided,  Mirabeau  resumed 
his  speech  and  said  in  a  grave,  solemn  voice: 

"  M.  le  President,  I  leave  on  your  desk  the  writing  which 
has  excited  so  much  discontent,  and  which  has  been  so 
misunderstood.  I  wish  it  to  be  judged  on  its  merits  by  all 
true  friends  of  liberty." 

After  these  words  he  left  the  Assembly  in  the  midst  of 
furious  imprecations  and  menaces. 

I  went  to  see  him  an  hour  afterwards,  feeling  dismayed 
and  broken-down,  but  I  found  him  triumphantly  reading 
his  speech  to  some  people  from  Marseilles  who  were  burst- 
ing with  admiration.  It  must  be  allowed  that  he  returned 
with  full  interest  all  the  insults  he  received  in  the  Assembly. 
It  was  then  for  the  first  time  that  he  compared  them  to 
wild  asses  whose  only  gift  from  nature  is  their  faculty  for 
biting  and  rearing. 

"  They  don't  frighten  me,  my  dear  friend,"  he  said  to  me 
prophetically.  "  In  a  week  you  will  see  I  shall  be  stronger 
than  ever.  They  will  be  obliged  to  come  to  me  when  they 
are  on  the  point  of  being  overwhelmed  by  the  tempest  they 
have  just  let  loose.  Do  not  regret  the  events  of  this  even- 
ing. Thoughtful  people  will  see  in  my  motion  a  serious 
object,  and  as  for  those  fools  whom  I  despise  too  much  to  be 
able  to  hate,  I  shall  save  them  in  spite  of  themselves." 

With  all  this  exaltation  of  pride  and  momentary  courage, 
he  had  not  sufficient  strength  of  mind  to  vote  for  the  ques- 

47 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

tion,  and  therefore  his  name  is  not  on  the  list  of  eighty  mem- 
bers who  were  pointed  out  to  the  people  as  traitors  sold  to 
the  aristocracy.  His  popularity  did  not  suffer  at  the  Palais 
Royal,  whereas  Mallouet,  Mounier,  and  several  others  who 
had  held  the  same  opinion  with  less  brilliancy,  were  pilloried 
by  the  popular  orators.  The  day  after  this  famous  sitting, 
when  Sieyes  appeared  in  the  chamber,  all  the  Assembly 
were  seized  with  a  sudden  movement  of  respect,  and  rose 
spontaneously  to  receive  him.  Applause  resounded  on  all 
sides. 

"  What  a  pity,"  said  Mirabeau  to  me,  "  that  they  imagine 
that  everything  is  settled ;  but  I  should  not  be  surprised  if 
civil  war  were  the  result  of  their  wonderful  decree." 

The  nobility  were  struck  dumb  by  the  audacity  of  the 
third  estate.  Those  who  surrounded  the  King  kept  assur- 
ing him  that  all  would  be  lost  if  he  did  not  pronounce 
against  this  usurpation  of  rights  by  the  Commons.  The 
sittings  in  the  Upper  Chamber  were  scenes  of  fury.  The 
decree  of  the  third  estate  was  only  spoken  of  as  a  revolt,  a 
treason,  a  conspiracy. 

The  alienation  was  complete.  The  King  was  implored  to 
request  all  his  faithful  subjects  to  rally  to  his  defence,  to  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  to  have  the  traitors  arrested 
and  to  disperse  the  Assembly.  It  was  to  this  state  of  affairs 
and  to  the  violence  of  these  proposals  that  one  must  attribute 
most  of  the  events  that  followed.  It  is  necessary  to  have 
been  a  witness  of  all  this  ferment  to  understand  the  course 
of  affairs.  Historical  facts,  when  denuded  of  their  preceding 

48 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

circumstances,  are  not  to  be  easily  explained.  The  Versailles 
atmosphere  was  at  the  same  time  gloomy  and  smouldering. 
The  explosion  which  was  preparing  could  not  fail  to  be  a 
terrible  one. 

It  was  then  that  Duroverai  conceived  a  plan  which  he 
confided  to  M.  Mallouet,  but  which  he  would  not  com- 
municate to  Mirabeau  because  he  feared  his  wild  impetu- 
osity and  because  he  was  not  in  the  confidence  of  any  party. 
The  plan  was  that  of  a  Royal  session  of  the  Assembly 
where  the  King  was  to  pose  as  the  provisional  legislator  of 
France,  was  to  annul  the  decree  of  the  Commons  which 
declared  them  "the  National  Assembly,  but  at  the  same 
time  was  to  command  the  nobility  and  clergy  to  unite 
themselves  to  the  Third  Estate  in  order  to  verify  their  rights 
together. 

The  object  of  this  session,  therefore,  was  to  assert  by  royal 
authority  what  the  Commons  had  already  achieved  without 
it,  and  to  order  the  reunion  of  the  nobility  and  clergy  so 
that  this  reunion  should  be  the  accomplished  work  of  the 
King  and  not  of  the  Third  Estate.  It  was  really  only  in  order 
to  save  appearances,  as  the  result  would  be  the  same,  but  in 
this  way  the  nobles  would  not  present  such  a  humiliating 
attitude,  and  all  the  friction  and  squabbles  between  the  three 
parties  would  be  ended  without  their  being  followed  by  either 
the  victory  of  the  Third  Estate  by  its  popular  movement,  or 
by  the  dissolution  of  the  Assembly,  which  would  be  the 
certain  forerunner  of  a  civil  war. 

Mallouet  agreed  entirely  with    Duroverai's  views,  and 

49  E 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

carried  M.  Necker  with  them,  but  there  were  no  direct 
communications  between  them. 

The  plan  of  the  royal  session  was  adopted  by  the  King, 
but  when  M.  Necker's  speeches  were  heard,  a  different  con- 
struction was  placed  on  them  to  what  he  had  intended. 
There  was  a  tussle  between  two  sides  in  the  council,  the 
Comte  d'Artois  gained  the  day. 

They  resolved  to  annul  the  decree  of  the  Commons,  but 
not  to  insist  on  the  re-union  of  the  orders,  so  that  the  essence 
of  M.  Necker's  measure  was  changed,  and  only  the  form 
remained.  He  wished  to  put  democracy  into  a  royal  setting, 
and  instead  of  this  they  placed  the  aristocracy  into  a  setting 
of  despotism.  Authority  was  all  right  when  it  was  used  to 
ennoble  a  necessary  act  of  condescension,  but  became  revolt- 
ing when  it  enforced  an  act  of  vigour  which  the  King  could 
not  sustain  unaided.  If  one  considers  this  Royal  sitting  by 
itself,  it  appears  to  contain  the  greatest  concessions  ever 
made  by  a  monarch  to  his  people,  and  at  any  other  time  it 
would  have  produced  the  most  lively  gratitude.  If  a  prince 
is  powerful  all  that  he  grants  is  regarded  as  a  gift,  and  all 
that  he  renounces  is  a  gracious  favour ;  but  if  he  is  weak  all 
that  he  grants  is  only  a  repaid  debt,  and  everything  he 
refuses  is  an  injustice. 

The  Commons  wished  to  be  the  National  Assembly,  and 
nothing  less  than  that  would  content  them.  The  Royalists 
ought  to  have  counted  their  strength  before  opposing  them, 
but  to  hold  a  court  of  justice,  to  annul  decrees,  to  make  a 
great  affair  of  it,  and  not  to  have  foreseen  any  resistance, 

50 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

not  to  have  taken  a  single  act  of  precaution  for  the  con- 
sequences, or  arranged  for  any  support  in  the  Assembly  was 
a  real  act  of  madness,  and  from  this  time  dates  the  ruin  of 
the  monarchy. 

There  is  nothing  more  dangerous  than  to  force  a  weak 
king  into  strong  measures,  for  when  he  has  exhausted  the 
magical  power  that  pertains  to  his  splendour,  no  other 
resource  remains,  the  authority  of  the  throne  is  degraded, 
and  the  people  discover  the  secret  of  the  impotence  of  the 
prince! 

The  procedure  of  the  royal  session  was  as  badly  arranged 
as  if  it  had  to  do  with  undisciplined  schoolboys.  The 
chamber  of  the  States  General  was  closed  for  three  or  four 
days.  A  military  display  of  soldiery  gave  an  air  of  violence 
to  the  preparations.  The  members  turned  out  of  their 
chamber  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  took  refuge  in  the 
famous  Tennis  Court,  where  they  took  the  oath  never  to 
separate  till  the  constitution  was  established.  Even  the 
minority  of  the  Third  Estate,  the  eighty  who  had  rejected  the 
decree,  took  this  oath  as  well  as  the  others ;  for  not  having 
been  warned  of  anything  they  thought  that  the  King  wished 
to  dissolve  the  States  General,  and  Mirabeau,  also  deceived, 
pronounced  strongly  against  the  approaching  dissolution, 
so  much  so  that  his  greatest  enemies  began  to  turn  their 
eyes  towards  him,  as  to  an  athlete  whom  it  would  be  needful 
to  employ  in  the  actual  crisis. 

It  is  necessary  to  have  been  a  witness  of  this  scene,  where 
fear  hid  itself  under  an  appearance  of  courage,  where  the 

51 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

most  timid  were  the  loudest  in  crying  out,  in  order  to  under- 
stand all  the  harm  produced  by  it  in  the  Revolution.  Men 
of  sense  were  alienated  and  frightened,  the  oath  became  a 
bond  of  honour  between  them,  and  the  members  of  the 
Third  Estate  were  from  this  moment  confederated  together 
against  the  royal  authority.  An  appearance  of  persecution 
redoubled  the  interest  in  the  Commons.  Paris  was  moved 
by  their  danger,  the  Palais  Royale  became  frantic.  Ominous 
rumours  threatened  the  most  distinguished  people.  In  a 
troubled  horizon  things  no  longer  appeared  in  their  true  light. 
The  people,  now  thoroughly  alarmed,  became  suspicious  and 
wavering,  and  everything  that  the  Court  subsequently  did 
to  reassure  them  had  no  effect  in  restoring  their  confidence. 
This  was  the  real  origin  of  the  burning  excitement  which 
was  carefully  nurtured  by  two  different  types  of  men,  the 
factious  and  the  timid. 

The  day  following  the  sitting  in  the  Tennis  Court,  the 
members,  still  excluded  from  their  chamber  where  the 
necessary  preparations  were  being  made  for  the  great  day, 
presented  themselves  in  one  or  two  of  the  churches,  where 
they  were  refused  admittance,  the  representatives  of  the 
nation  looking  for  a  shelter  and  finding  none,  were  a  sight 
to  inflame  imaginations.  At  last  they  entered  the  church 
of  Saint-Louis,  and  there  some  of  the  clergy,  led  by  the 
Archbishops  of  Vienne,  of  Bordeaux,  and  by  the  Bishop 
of  Chartres,  came  to  join  with  the  members  of  the  Third 
Estate.  The  applause,  the  embracings,  the  pathetic  speeches, 
the  tears,  all  showed  that  these  men  were  joining  together 

52 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

against  a  common  peril.  The  devotion  of  the  clergy  was  all 
the  more  meritorious  in  that  it  was  voluntary. 

Who  could  have  foreseen,  at  this  time,  that  very  shortly 
afterwards  an  ecclesiastic  could  not  show  himself  in  public 
without  being  exposed  to  every  sort  of  insult. 

The  day  of  the  Royal  session,  I  was  in  the  palace  to  see 
the  magnificent  procession  pass  by.  I  remember  the  hostile 
and  triumphant  looks  of  several  people  who  were  in  the 
castle.  Victory  was,  they  thought,  already  assured  them.  I 
saw  the  King's  ministers  issue  forth ;  they  wished  to  appear 
calm,  but  their  emotions  broke  out  in  spite  of  themselves; 
the  Comte  D'Artois's  bearing  was  full  of  pride,  the  King 
appeared  sad  and  mournful,  there  was  a  great  crowd  and  a 
profound  silence.  When  the  King  entered  his  carriage  the 
drums  beat,  and  there  were  fanfares  of  different  instruments, 
but  not  a  cheer  from  the  people,  not  a  single  "  Vive  le  Roi." 
Fear  alone  restrained  them  from  breaking  forth  in  murmur- 
ings.  At  last  the  long  cortege  began  to  move,  all  the  royal 
family,  the  guards,  the  officers,  the  cavalry,  wended  their 
way  to  the  chamber  of  the  States  General,  where  the  three 
orders,  re-united,  sat  looking  at  each  other  with  defiant  and 
dumb  indignation,  and  were  impatiently  awaiting  the  result 
of  this  great  day.  There  never  were  so  many  violent 
opposing  passions  imprisoned  in  the  same  building.  The 
procedure  was  precisely  the  same  as  at  the  opening  of  the 
States  General,  but  what  a  difference  in  feeling!  The  first 
day  then  had  been  a  national  holiday,  the  birth-day  of 
Liberty,  but  to-day  the  same  pomp  which  had  delighted 

53 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

all  eyes,  was  now  hidden  by  terror.  The  nobility's  brilliant 
costumes,  the  magnificence  of  the  throne,  and  all  this  dis- 
play of  royal  pomp,  seemed  only  the  accompaniments  of  a 
funeral  ceremony. 

I  only  know  what  passed  at  this  sitting  by  hearsay;  the 
Commons  disguised  their  feelings  of  consternation  when  the 
King,  the  nobility,  and  the  clergy  had  retired.  Then  they 
understood  the  importance  of  the  decree  which  they  had 
passed  so  lightly.  They  saw  themselves  placed  in  the 
necessity  of  either  subduing  Royalty  itself,  or  of  retracting 
their  decree.  Nobody  had  yet  broken  the  silence  when  a 
message  came  from  the  King  calling  upon  them  to  retire. 
This  message,  brought  by  a  very  young  man,  a  master  of 
the  ceremonies,  had  nothing  authoritative  about  it.  It  was 
then  that  Mirabeau  pronounced  the  words  which  made  an 
epoch  in  the  Revolution,  and  which  re-animated  the  down- 
trodden spirit  of  the  Assembly.  "  Go  tell  your  master,"  he 
said,  "  that  we  are  here  by  the  will  of  the  people,  and  that 
we  shall  only  leave  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet." 

The  debate  now  took  a  more  decided  character.  The 
Royal  session  was  considered  in  the  light  of  a  court  of 
justice.  It  brought  to  remembrance  how  the  "  Parlements  " 
had  behaved  on  similar  occasions,  and  how  many  times 
they  had  dared  to  annul  orders  that  had  been  given  by  the 
King  in  person,  and  how  often  the  court  had  been  vanquished 
by  their  perseverance. 

Before  separating,  the  members  had  already  confirmed 
both  their  decree  and  the  Tennis  Court  oath.  The  King  had 

54 


THE  ROYAL  SESSION 

hardly  returned  to  the  Palace  before  the  Royal  session  had 
been  annulled. 

One  circumstance  that  encouraged  the  resistance  of  the 
members  was,  that  M.  Necker  had  not  accompanied  the 
King  to  the  sitting.  He  was  the  only  one  of  the  ministers 
who  had  not  done  so,  and  his  absence  marked  his  disapproval 
of  the  proceedings.  His  popularity  became  immense,  it  was 
felt  that  he  could  be  trusted,  as  a  steady  anchor  in  a  storm. 

The  Assembly,  which  afterwards  became  jealous  of  the 
affection  which  the  people  had  for  him,  because  it  wanted 
to  be  everything  and  to  absorb  everything  itself,  felt  at  that 
time  that  it  was  in  its  own  interest  to  make  him  into  a 
public  idol,  and  to  use  his  name  as  a  counterbalance  to  the 
influence  of  the  Court.  But  his  absence  was  really  due  to  a 
small  cause.  A  certain  M.  de  Riol,  so-called  "  Chevalier " 
owing  to  his  possessing  some  Swedish  order,  a  very  insig- 
nificant personage,  who  was  always  thrusting  himself  into 
everything,  and  who  was  intimate  with  M.  Necker,  and  had 
made  our  acquaintance,  came  to  see  us  the  same  day,  and 
assured  us  that  he  had  found  M.  Necker  ready  to  go  to  M. 
de  Montmorin's  in  order  to  accompany  the  King  to  the 
Assembly,  that  on  that,  Riol  had  implored  him  to  do 
nothing  of  the  kind,  and  represented  to  him  that  if  he  did 
so  he  would  share  all  the  unpopularity  of  the  measure,  and 
would  no  longer  be  able  to  do  any  good,  and  was  so  carried 
away  by  his  zeal,  that  he  told  him  that  he  would  rather  be 
the  cause  of  his  breaking  an  arm  or  a  leg,  than  allow  him 
to  go  to  it. 

55 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Madame  Necker,  much  moved,  joined  her  entreaty  to 
his,  and  at  last  M.  Necker  gave  way. 

I  have  no  reason  either  to  doubt  the  truth  of  this  story, 
or  to  affirm  it,  but  if  it  is  true,  M.  Necker  allowed  himself 
to  be  persuaded  in  a  very  important  affair  by  a  very  trivial 
personage;  all  the  same  it  is  often  the  case  that  a  man 
with  little  intelligence  will  communicate  his  fears  in  a  most 
persuasive  manner,  and  that  excited  gestures  have  some- 
times more  effect  than  reason  or  eloquence. 

But  was  M.  Necker  to  blame  for  not  giving  the  weight 
of  his  presence  to  a  project  in  which  his  speeches  had  been 
insidiously  made  use  of,  and  the  essential  part  of  his 
measures  changed? 

Mirabeau  was  informed  by  Claviere  (who  could  never 
keep  a  secret),  of  the  real  origin  of  the  Royal  session.  He 
spoke  to  me  about  it  in  a  fit  of  fury:  "  Duroverai,"  he  said, 
"  did  not  think  I  was  worth  consulting;  I  know  well  that 
he  looks  on  me  as  a  fool  with  occasional  lucid  intervals ; 
but  I  could  have  told  him  beforehand  the  trick  that  would 
be  played  with  his  measure.  It  is  not  with  the  unstable 
character  of  the  French  that  you  ought  to  play  in  this 
brutal  manner.  And  to  confide  such  methods  of  action  to 
a  man  like  M.  Necker!  Why,  you  might  as  well  apply  a 
cautery  to  a  wooden  leg,  as  to  give  him  advice  which  he  is 
not  in  a  position  to  follow.  And  getting  more  excited  about 
the  danger  of  this  sitting,  he  added  with  emphasis,  "  This  is 
the  path  that  leads  Kings  to  the  scaffold." 

56 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

(T  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  people  began 
to  get  excited.  I  do  not  doubt  that  there 
were  committees  for  organizing  insurrec- 
tions, meetings  of  paid  orators,  and  money 
distributed,  and  that  this  organization  had 
its  chief  agents  in  Versailles,  and  probably  belonged  to  the 
minority  of  the  Nobles  rather  than  to  the  Third  Estate.  I 
will  only  relate  the  particulars  that  are  known  to  myself. 

I  firmly  believe  that  at  this  time,  the  members  of  the 
Third  Estate  did  not  act  in  concert ;  it  was  only  amongst 
the  Bretons  that  there  was  any  beginning  of  organization; 
they  were  already  accustomed  to  similar  tactics  in  their 
provincial  disputes.  As  far  as  I  know,  the  Breton  Club,  which 
by  its  co-operation  had  become  very  important,  was  man- 
aged by  the  minority  of  the  Nobles ;  there  will  never  be  a 
complete  history  of  the  Revolution  until  some  one  on  that 
side  has  given  us  a  faithful  memoir  of  the  time. 

I  recall  one  anecdote:  I  met  Sieyes,  who  did  not  name 
anyone,  but  he  was  coming  from  a  Breton  meeting,  and 
said  to  me:  "  I  will  no  longer  work  with  those  men,  their 

57 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

politics  are  underhand,  they  propose  to  commit  outrages, 
and  consider  them  to  be  a  proper  means  of  action." 

Duport  and  the  Lameths  have  the  reputation  of  being 
the  chief  movers  in  the  Revolution  of  Paris.  The  Due 
d'Orleans  could  easily  have  made  his  influence  felt  on  the 
centre  movement.  He  sat  at  the  Palais  Royal  like  a  spider 
in  the  middle  of  its  web. 

But  I  knew  nothing  of  all  this,  except  as  one  of  the 
public. 

Mirabeau  was  not  intimate  with  these  people.  His  fiery 
and  intractable  character  did  not  make  him  a  good  col- 
league. His  mind  lacked  ballast,  he  did  not  inspire  enough 
confidence  to  be  a  leader,  and  had  too  much  pride  and 
strength  to  play  a  second  part.  He  therefore  remained  in- 
dependent, envious  to  a  degree  of  anyone's  growing  reputa- 
tion in  the  Assembly,  dealing  out  epigrams  of  abuse  whole- 
sale, but  descending  to  individual  flatteries.  He  cut  himself 
off  from  his  friends  by  his  contempt  for  some  of  them,  and 
his  jealousy  of  others.  I  often  went  to  Paris  with  him,  and 
I  am  convinced  that  he  had  not  at  this  time  the  smallest 
part  in  the  movement  in  the  capital. 

Those  who  wish  to  ascribe  the  Revolution  to  the  plotters 
of  secret  machinations  fall  into  a  great  mistake.  They  did 
not  create  the  general  disposition  of  things,  they  only  made 
use  of  them,  increased  and  directed  them,  but  it  is  ridiculous 
to  ascribe  to  individual  conspirators  the  vast  and  sudden 
impulse  which  possessed  the  French  people  at  the  time  of 
which  I  speak.  Everything  was  shaken  to  its  foundations 

58 


THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

in  Paris.  The  coolest  heads  were  carried  away  in  the  passion 
of  the  moment.  It  was  a  general  overheating  of  the  whole 
mass.  A  cry  from  the  Palais  Royale,  a  chance  movement, 
a  trifle,  would  cause  a  general  commotion.  In  this  state  of 
affairs,  tumults  produce  tumults,  the  maladies  of  the  pre- 
ceding day  only  increase  those  of  the  morrow. 

Many  details  of  this  time  have  escaped  my  memory,  but 
I  remember  the  interval  between  the  Royal  sitting  and  the 
sad  apparition  of  the  King  in  the  Assembly,  when  he  came 
to  give  himself  up,  and,  as  one  may  say,  to  depose  himself, 
after  the  taking  of  the  Bastille ;  as  I  said  before,  I  remember 
this  interval  as  a  time  of  trouble  and  gloom ;  false  alarms 
were  being  continually  raised,  things  were  asserted  and  then 
at  once  contradicted,  orders  given  and  then  retracted; 
everything  was  explained  away,  everything  guessed  at, 
motives  suspected  for  the  most  trivial  matters:  the  Palace 
was  watched;  every  movement  was  spied  out,  everything 
caused  scenes  of  excitement.  There  were  insurrections  in 
Versailles  which  proceeded,  not  from  any  fixed  plan,  but 
from  a  suspicious  and  irascible  state  of  mind.  Notwith- 
standing this,  the  three  Orders  remained  divided  against 
each  other  in  a  menacing  attitude.  The  Court  kept  the 
troops  active;  Versailles  was  full  of  foreign  soldiers,  and 
everywhere  there  was  a  display  of  military.  There  was  an 
undercurrent  of  talk  concerning  a  change  in  the  Ministry, 
and  the  names  of  the  designated  did  not  please  the  Com- 
mons. So  much  activity  on  the  part  of  the  Court  could 
have  but  one  object,  to  make  itself  strong  enough  to  enforce 

59 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

the  decrees  of  the  Royal  sitting,  either  by  ordering  the  re- 
moval of  the  Assembly  from  Paris,  which  was  too  dangerous 
a  neighbourhood,  or  by  pronouncing  its  dissolution,  if  this 
could  be  done  without  causing  a  civil  war.  The  mere  idea 
of  this  made  the  King  tremble.  But  whatever  were  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Court,  or  of  those  who  guided  the  Court 
affairs,  which  were  sometimes  not  in  accordance  with  those 
of  the  King,  there  was  an  alarming  secrecy  about  all  their 
conduct,  one  saw  preparations  being  made  and  a  plan 
gradually  being  developed,  though  one  never  knew  the 
result.  This  distrust  disturbed  everyone,  and  the  ferment 
in  Paris  was  at  its  height. 

Reybaz  and  Claviere  came  from  Paris  and  assured  us 
that  the  people  would  soon  be  beyond  control.  They  in- 
duced Mirabeau  to  give  his  opinion  on  this  occasion:  "  If," 
they  said,  "  the  Assembly  is  mistaken  in  assuming  the  title 
of '  The  National  Assembly,'  it  is  an  error  that  they  cannot 
rectify  without  degrading  the  representation  of  the  people, 
and  giving  a  complete  triumph  to  the  insolence  of  the 
aristocracy.  If  the  States  General  are  dissolved,  bankruptcy 
is  inevitable,  the  people  will  be  glad  of  it,  the  Government 
will  lessen  the  taxes,  there  will  be  no  more  obstruction, 
and  the  cause  of  liberty  will  be  lost."  I  am  certain  that  at 
this  time  all  the  State  bondholders,  a  body  of  men  who 
were  very  numerous,  active  and  powerful  in  Paris,  were 
all  in  direct  opposition  to  the  Court,  because  they  saw 
very  well  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  declare  the  State 
bankrupt,  in  order  to  pull  themselves  out  of  the  deficit, 

60 


THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

declare  a  surplus,  and  not  to  hear  anything  more  about 
States  Generals,  Constitutions,  or  the  Sovereignty  of  the 
People. 

At  last  it  became  known  that  the  Court  was  testing  the 
regiments  that  were  arriving  at  Versailles,  as  well  as  the 
French  Guards,  to  discover  to  what  point  they  were  to  be 
trusted,  and  how  far  their  devotion  and  service  could  be 
depended  on.  There  was  no  time  to  lose,  and  it  was  thought 
that  the  King  himself  ought  to  be  warned  of  the  manoeuvres, 
the  aim  and  object  of  which  could  no  longer  be  hidden  from 
him.  It  was  all  these  considerations  that  produced  Mira- 
beau's  famous  speech  on  the  dismissal  of  the  troops;  this 
speech  was  a  sort  of  resum6  of  all  that  had  passed  in  our 
conversations:  I  composed  it,  Duroverai  drew  up  the 
resolutions  in  it  which  contained  the  proposed  measures. 
Amongst  these,  one  consisted  in  demanding  from  the  King 
the  establishment  of  a  bourgeois  militia.  This  was  the  only 
one  rejected  by  the  Assembly,  and  it  was  perhaps  the  most 
important  of  them  all.  Duroverai  foresaw  that,  if  the  people 
took  up  arms,  the  royal  authority  would  be  lost,  but  that, 
if  the  King  presided  at  this  new  institution,  he  might  make 
such  a  choice  of  men  and  officers  that,  like  the  English 
militia,  it  would  be  a  safeguard  against  insurrections,  with- 
out endangering  the  cause  of  liberty.  The  last  of  the 
resolutions  was  that  an  address  should  be  presented  to  the 
King,  relating  to  the  dismissal  of  the  troops.  A  committee 
was  appointed  to  draw  up  this  address,  for  the  Assembly 
referred  everything  to  committees,  in  order  to  give  as  little 

61 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

responsibility  or  importance  possible  to  individuals,  but  like 
all  other  matters  of  business,  the  one  of  composing  and 
writing  is  not  an  easy  one  to  do  in  concert.  Mirabeau  was 
therefore  offered  by  the  committee  the  task  of  drawing  up 
the  rough  draft  of  this  address.  Excited  by  the  success  of 
the  speech,  full  of  the  subject,  and  also,  it  must  be  confessed, 
encouraged  by  all  Mirabeau's  flatteries  and  affection,  I  wrote 
at  length  and  with  great  facility  the  address  to  the  King.1  I 
recall  one  circumstance  which  amused  me  very  much  at  the 
moment ;  Garat,  who  was  one  of  the  committee  that  had  been 
given  the  task  of  drawing  up  the  address,  came  to  Mirabeau 
to  know  at  what  o'clock  he  ought  to  attend ;  Mirabeau  knew 
nothing  about  it,  as  I  was  still  in  the  throes  of  composition. 
He  prevaricated  in  his  answers,  and  put  aside  the  question. 
Next  day,  dining  with  M.  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  another 
member  of  the  committee,  whose  name  I  have  forgotten, 
held  forth  in  ecstasy  on  the  excellency  of  this  address  and 
on  Mirabeau's  modesty  in  having  consented  to  all  the 
changes  asked  for,  as  if  his  pride  in  this  work  was  of  no 
consequence.  I  do  not  know  if  I  was  more  sensitive,  but 
I  did  not  think  the  changes  had  at  all  improved  the  work. 
I  was  flattered  by  the  praise  given  to  this  address,  but  I  was 
not  foolish  enough  to  think  it  was  a  masterpiece!  I  knew 
very  well  that  its  chief  merit  was  in  the  circumstance  of  its 
appropriateness.  There  is  a  high  tone  in  it  and  a  simple  style, 
as  much  oratory  as  could  be  admitted  consistently  with  the 
respect  due  to  the  Monarch  and  the  dignity  of  the  Assembly, 

1  See  Appendix. 
62 


THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

for  whom  it  was  the  mouthpiece.  It  was  essentially  moderate, 
but  was  combined  with  a  sort  of  "  unction,"  and  the  pro- 
prieties were  well  observed.  This  met  with  Mirabeau's 
approbation,  all  the  more  so,  as  he  knew  he  had  no  facility 
for  this  sort  of  writing.  "  My  style,"  he  said,  "  is  naturally 
a  violent  one,  and  I  can  express  myself  forcibly  without  any 
difficulty;  but  if  I  wish  to  be  gentle,  suave  and  moderate, 
I  become  insipid,  and  my  flabby  style  makes  me  sick." 

I  could  afterwards  have  discovered  faults  in  this  address, 
but  it  would  not  have  done  to  mention  them  to  Mirabeau. 
His  pride  was  extended  to  all  the  children  of  his  adoption, 
and  he  had  quite  a  parental  affection  for  them!  Whilst  I 
worked  for  Mirabeau,  it  appeared  to  me  that  I  had  the  same 
pleasure  that  some  man  of  humble  position  might  have  who 
exchanged  his  children  at  nurse,  and  introduced  them  into 
some  great  family,  when  he  would  be  obliged  to  look  up  to 
them  with  respect  in  spite  of  being  their  father.  This  was 
my  case;  once  Mirabeau  had  adopted  them,  he  would  have 
defended  them  even  against  me,  indeed  he  would  even  have 
allowed  me  to  admire  them,  as  a  trait  of  esteem  and 
friendship  for  himself. 

All  the  same,  if  the  credit  due  to  these  writings  belonged 
to  another,  it  did  not  prevent  the  ignored  author  having  his 
moments  of  enjoyment  concerning  them. 

I  was  not  long  in  discovering  that  Mirabeau's  intimate 
friends  looked  upon  Duroverai  and  me  as  his  wirepullers ; 
his  disordered  life,  his  continual  gaddings,  his  occupations  at 
the  Assembly,  his  committees,  his  wasted  time,  his  taste  for 

63 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

pleasure,  all  these  things  prevented  those  who  knew  him 
well  from  thinking  it  possible  that  he  could  be  the  author 
of  the  writings  that  appeared  in  his  name. 

The  answer  of  the  King  to  this  address  was  not  satisfactory. 
No  one  doubted  his  own  intentions  being  good,  but  he  was 
supposed  to  be  led  away  and  deceived.  There  was  a  plan 
being  developed,  a  plan  of  which  no  one  knew  either  the 
scope  or  the  object.  There  was  talk  of  the  threats  of 
subordinates,  of  insults,  everything  seeming  to  be  the 
precursor  of  a  coup  d'Etat,  troops  were  moving,  the  heads 
of  the  Corps  de  Garde  were  paying  nocturnal  visits,  there 
were  secret  councils  at  the  Court,  to  which  M.  Necker  was 
not  summoned,  and  a  multitude  of  trifles  of  the  same  kind 
made  up  the  daily  events,  which  were  all  misrepresented 
and  exaggerated  still  further  by  uneasiness  and  alarm.  No 
one  was  yet  bold  enough  to  speak  of  the  "  Court  Conspiracy," 
which  expression  was  only  used  after  the  Court  influence 
had  been  suppressed,  but  there  was  general  alarm.  The 
march  of  the  troops  on  Paris  and  the  dismissal  of  M.  Necker 
brought  about  the  insurrection  of  the  capital.  I  will  not  say 
anything  about  the  public  events  of  which  I  was  not  an  eye- 
witness. I  stayed  on  at  Versailles,  and  was  constantly  in  the 
National  Assembly,  whose  conduct  during  the  danger  was 
unshaken.  There  were  no  longer  any  parties.  The  union  of 
all  was  complete.  The  dissolution  of  the  States  General 
seemed  to  all  of  them  the  signal  of  the  greatest  misfortunes. 

The  sitting  of  the  I3th  July  was  most  alarmingly  calm. 
What  had  passed  in  Paris  on  Sunday  was  concealed  under 

64 


THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

a  thousand  confused  reports;  it  was  known  that  the  mob 
had  repulsed  the  regiment  of  the  Prince  de  Lambesc  as  far 
as  the  Tuileries,  that  the  Gardes- Frangaises  had  adopted 
the  side  of  the  people,  that  shots  had  been  exchanged  be- 
tween them  and  the  Swiss  Guard,  that  the  people  were 
arming,  the  gunsmiths'  shops  being  plundered,  the  barriers 
were  closed — in  one  word,  Paris  was  in  open  insurrection. 
Mirabeau  told  us  that  there  was  a  list  of  those  about  to  be 
banished,  that  Sieyes,  Chapelier,  Lafayette,  Lameth  and 
many  others  were  to  be  arrested,  that  they  had  been  warned 
of  it,  and  that  they  were  passing  the  night  in  the  Assembly, 
where  they  thought  themselves  safer  than  in  their  own 
homes.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  sitting  was  not  brought  to 
a  close,  and  in  the  intervals  between  the  deputations  which 
were  being  sent  to  the  King  to  implore  him  to  withdraw 
the  troops,  whose  presence  was  exciting  the  capital,  they 
discussed  a  declaration  on  the  Rights  of  Man,  according  to 
a  plan  suggested  by  Lafayette.  The  King,  in  his  answer, 
told  the  deputations  that  he  was  broken-hearted,  that  it 
was  impossible  that  the  orders  which  he  had  given  for  the 
re-establishment  of  public  order  could  have  caused  the  dis- 
turbance in  Paris,  but  he  said  nothing  about  dismissing  the 
troops ;  the  men  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  were  not  of 
a  kind  to  restore  confidence:  the  plot  appeared  to  be 
progressing  towards  completion,  when  the  Assembly 
made  a  last  effort  and  sent  him,  on  Tuesday  morning,  a 
new  and  more  influential  deputation.  Mirabeau,  in  a 
voice  made  hoarse  by  the  fatigue  and  anxiety  of  the  long 

65  F 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

sitting,  pronounced  a  few  words,  which  were  warmly  re- 
ceived. 

It  was  a  fact  that  the  Versailles  troops  had  renounced 
their  obedience,  and  that,  after  the  taking  of  the  Bastille 
and  the  extraordinary  metamorphosis  which  in  two  days 
changed  the  peaceful  citizens  of  Paris  into  an  army  of  two 
hundred  thousand  men,  there  remained  no  choice  to  the 
King  but  to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the  National  Assembly 
and  to  seek  his  own  safety  in  their  midst.  What  a  contrast 
to  the  sitting  of  the  2ist  June!  The  King  suddenly 
announced  his  intention  of  going  to  Paris;  Mirabeau,  as- 
tonished at  this  resolution,  and  still  more  so  at  its  fulfil- 
ment, said  afterwards  to  me:  "Whoever  has  advised  this 
step  is  a  bold  man,  without  it  he  would  have  lost  Paris,  two 
or  three  days  later  he  would  perhaps  not  have  been  in  a 
position  to  return."  I  attribute  these  words  to  Mirabeau's 
singular  sagacity;  he  knew  the  determination  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans,  and  thought  that  he  might  have  profited  by 
circumstances  in  order  to  seize  the  capital.  But  if  the  Duke 
of  Orleans's  party  was  capable  of  forming  this  plan,  it  was 
disconcerted  by  the  sudden  visit  of  the  King,  which  re- 
kindled all  the  affection  of  the  Parisians  for  him.  It  seemed 
that  these  two  hundred  thousand  men  had  passed  the  word 
to  each  other  to  receive  him  with  the  most  awe-inspiring 
solemnity;  during  the  progress  to  the  Hdtel  de  Ville,  the 
only  cheers  heard  were:  "  Vive  1'Assemble'e  Nationale,"  but 
on  the  return  journey,  as  if  to  show  the  King  that  his  lesson 
was  over,  cries  of  "  Vive  le  Roi "  were  heard  on  all  sides. 

66 


THE  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

The  King  was  a  weak  character  but  not  a  timid  one,  as 
was  proved  on  this  day.  It  needed  great  courage  to  expose 
himself  to  the  danger  and  even  the  humiliation  of  appear- 
ing in  the  midst  of  an  excited  populace,  who  appeared  to 
be  conferring  a  favour  on  their  King  by  receiving  him  with- 
in the  walls  of  his  own  capital.  At  the  moment  when  M. 
Bailli  told  him  that  Henry  IV.  had  vanquished  his  people, 
but  that  now  the  people  had  vanquished  their  King,  he 
turned  to  the  Prince  de  Beauveau  and  said  to  him  in  a  low 
voice:  "  I  don't  know  if  I  ought  to  listen  to  that."  The 
Prince  made  him  a  sign,  and  the  orator  continued. 

The  death  of  the  Marquis  de  Mirabeau,  the  author  of 
"  F  Ami  des  Hommes,"  necessitated  Mirabeau's  absence  from 
the  Assembly  for  two  or  three  days.  It  was  at  the  moment 
when  motions  were  carried  for  the  return  of  M.  Necker  and 
against  the  new  ministers'  appointments. 

Mirabeau,  distracted  by  both  his  private  and  public 
affairs,  had  made  me  promise  to  write  him  an  account  of 
the  Revolution.  I  was  busy  doing  this  in  Paris,  but  I  had 
great  difficulty  in  collecting  all  the  facts,  in  discarding  and 
minimizing  exaggerations,  and  in  discovering  the  truth 
amidst  so  many  falsehoods.  The  causes  of  events  were 
hidden,  the  secret  councils  of  the  Court  were  unknown.  It 
seemed  important  to  me  to  distinguish  between  the  King 
and  his  ministers,  and  to  represent  him  as  having  agreed 
to  a  plan,  of  which  one  part  only  had  been  shown  him  while 
the  other  was  hidden;  in  Paris  itself,  the  more  important 
the  occasion,  the  more  confused  were  the  details.  Some 

67 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

described  the  taking  of  the  Bastille  as  a  wonderful  event, 
others  reduced  it  to  nothing.  I  did  not  know  what  to  believe 
about  Launay  and  the  invalids.  These  crimes  appeared  to 
me  the  result  of  sudden  passion,  but  at  the  time  no  one 
doubted  that  there  had  been  a  perfidious  betrayal.  At  last, 
convinced  that  it  was  impossible  to  know  the  real  history 
of  such  an  important  event  at  the  moment  at  which  it 
occurred,  I  did  my  best  to  compose  a  narrative  of  it  which 
appeared  in  Mirabeau's  nineteenth  letter  to  his  constituents. 
In  this  he  made  some  changes,  and  caused  the  disappear- 
ance of  some  doubtful  features,  because  the  complicity  of 
the  Court  was  more  apparent  to  him  than  to  me.  This  letter 
had  a  prodigious  success,  and  was  the  cause  of  both  of  us 
becoming  very  popular. 


68 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  COURRIER  DE  PROVENCE  T 

t 
IRABEAU'S   letters   to   his   constituents, 

with  the  exception  of  the  first  one,  had  all 
been  drawn  up  by  Duroverai  or  myself. 
Mirabeau,  who  was  very  anxious  to  make 
us  settle  in  Paris  during  the  sitting  of  the 
National  Assembly,  proposed  that  we  should  join  a  society 
that  promised  to  be  very  lucrative;  it  was  to  produce  a 
newspaper,  with  his  name  as  editor,  of  which  the  profits 
were  to  be  divided  between  four  people — le  Jay,  his  librarian, 
himself,  Duroverai,  and  me.  The  publication  was  to  be 
called  the  "  Courrier  de  Provence."  It  was  announced  in 
the  nineteenth  letter,  and  subscribers  came  in  such  crowds, 

1  The  "  Courrier  de  Provence"  is  become  very  fashionable  in  London, 
and  though  the  booksellers  here  make  a  profit  of  cent,  per  cent,  (for 
they  charge  half  a  guinea  for  a  month's  subscription),  yet  I  saw  the 
other  day  at  De  Boffe's  shop  a  list  of  forty-five  subscribers  to  it. 
Among  them  were  some  persons  of  the  first  rank :  the  Duke  of  Port- 
land, Lord  Loughborough,  Mr.  Grenville,  the  Secretary  of  State,  Lord 
Mountstuart,  and  many  others  whose  names  I  do  not  recollect.  Elmsly 
has  it  too,  and  is  a  more  fashionable  bookseller  than  De  Boffe.  From 
all  this  I  conclude  that  there  will  soon  be  a  long  list  of  subscribers  in 
London  alone."— SIR  SAMUEL  ROMILLY,  letter  to  Dumont,  Nov.,  1789. 

69 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

though  the  price  was  very  high,  that  we  already  imagined 
ourselves  rolling  in  wealth.  In  a  few  days  our  list  already 
numbered  three  thousand  people.  The  provincial  demands 
were  in  the  same  proportion.  If  le  Jay  had  been  a  man  of 
business,  and  if  his  wife,  who  managed  everything,  had  had 
a  little  more  method  and  honesty,  their  fortune  would  have 
been  made ;  but  their  misconduct  and  rapacity  ruined  this 
undertaking.  We  were  occupied  with  our  business  in  Ver- 
sailles and  were  obliged  to  leave  everything  to  them. 
There  were  continual  complaints  from  the  subscribers ;  the 
provincial  ones  were  completely  neglected,  they  were  some- 
times a  fortnight  or  a  month  without  receiving  their 
numbers,  as  le  Jay  had  no  money  to  pay  the  postage  or 
carriage  of  them. 

The  publications  were  stopped,  the  libraries  applied  in 
vain  for  them,  the  Paris  printer,  when  he  could  not  get  his 
money,  stopped  work,  and  the  enterprise  had  to  wait  till 
Mirabeau  made  the  necessary  advances.  At  the  end  of  four 
months,  when  we  wished  to  look  over  the  accounts,  we 
found  that  there  were  none,  Madame  le  Jay  had  hidden 
the  books,  she  had  furnished  her  house  with  the  profits, 
had  stocked  her  shop,  which  from  having  been  a  wretched 
little  newspaper  depot  had  become  a  regular  library;  every- 
thing pointed  to  her  having  attained  an  opulent  position, 
but  she  had  absorbed  the  whole  of  the  profits  of  the  under- 
taking and  refused  to  disgorge  what  was  due  to  us. 

I  left  the  task  of  unravelling  all  these  worries  to  Duroverai. 
Quarrelling  was  not  my  strong  point ;  business  matters  did 

70 


THE  COURRIER   DE  PROVENCE 

not  interest  me,  and  I  did  not  understand  them.  Mirabeau 
was  placed  between  two  batteries ;  he  was  irritated  by 
Madame  le  Jay's  dishonesty,  and  one  day  said  to  her  in 
my  presence,  "  Madame  le  Jay,  if  honesty  did  not  exist  it 
would  be  necessary  to  invent  it  in  order  to  attain  riches." 
But  Madame  le  Jay  had  different  ideas  of  morality,  and 
Mirabeau's  connection  with  this  clever  and  capable  woman 
prevented  his  taking  a  high  line  with  her.  She  was  in 
possession  of  all  his  secrets,  she  knew  too  many  anecdotes 
about  him,  and  was  too  dangerous  and  wicked  for  him  to 
dare  to  quarrel  with  her,  though  he  was  completely  tired  of 
her,  and  in  the  distinguished  circles  in  which  he  now  moved 
he  felt  that  this  connection  was  a  degradation  for  him. 

This  is  the  only  occasion  in  my  life  that  I  became  mixed 
up  in  money  disputes,  and  in  which  I  was  in  close  touch 
with  fraudulent  intrigues  and  covetous  passions.  Le  Jay 
was  an  idiot  who  made  many  promises  but  trembled  like  a 
child  before  his  wife.  Mirabeau,  ashamed  of  having  failed 
us,  swore  that  the  National  Assembly  was  more  easy  to 
lead  than  a  woman  who  had  made  up  her  mind.  "  The 
whole  legal  profession  would  fail  to  convict  her,"  he  said ; 
"  I  would  defy  the  cleverest  lawyer  to  unmask  the  decep- 
tions that  she  invents."  As  it  was  impossible  to  prosecute 
her,  we  settled  to  give  up  publishing  the  newspaper.  For  a 
moment  she  was  disconcerted  and  thought  she  might  gain 
me  over  to  her  side,  and  tried  to  do  so  in  a  very  artful 
conversation.  Without  losing  my  temper,  or  even  entering 
into  the  quarrel,  I  declared  that  my  mind  was  made  up, 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  that  I  should  not  separate  myself  from  Duroverai. 
"  Very  well,"  she  said,  "  you  have  brought  it  on  yourself ;  I 
am  sorry  for  it,  but  we  live  in  a  civilized  town  and  there 
are  other  authors  besides  you.  I  have  already  received 
proposals  from  them."  She  therefore  visited  all  the  writers 
she  knew,  and  proposed  to  them  to  contribute  to  what  she 
considered  was  her  newspaper,  for  she  looked  upon  it  as 
her  own  property  as  much  as  if  it  were  a  landed  estate  and 
we  her  labourers.  After  several  useless  attempts,  she  at 
last  found  two  people  who  undertook  the  business;  one  of 
them  was  M.  Guiraudez,  a  man  of  talent  and  many  acquaint- 
ances, whom  I  had  met  in  Mirabeau's  society.  This  uncivil 
proceeding  astonished  me  very  much,  but  we  were  well 
revenged,  for,  even  if  these  writers  had  possessed  ample 
talent  and  wit,  they  were  not  accustomed  to  the  habits  of 
the  National  Assembly,  and  knew  nothing  about  the  indi- 
vidual members,  nor  had  any  communication  with  them, 
therefore  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  understand  the 
spirit  of  their  politics  or  the  different  shades  of  opinion. 
They  gave  long  extracts  from  the  speeches,  but  never  seized 
the  point  of  the  arguments.  Mirabeau  was  furious  at  the 
use  of  his  name  being  given  in  this  way,  and  wished  to  put 
a  notice  about  it  in  the  papers.  Complaints  came  on  all 
sides  about  Madame  le  Jay;  Guiraudez  and  his  colleague, 
puzzled  by  their  proceedings  and  still  more  so  by  their 
want  of  success,  were  astounded  by  Mirabeau's  reproaches, 
and  soon  repented  of  their  foolishness.  Therefore  without 
making  any  fuss  with  Madame  le  Jay  about  the  past, 

72 


THE  COURRIER  DE  PROVENCE 

another  arrangement  was  made  for  the  future.  I  don't  know 
why  I  have  written  at  such  length  about  this  sordid  quarrel. 
If  these  recollections  prove  of  sufficient  interest  to  receive 
my  further  attention  I  shall  retrench  this  portion  of 
them. 

The  composition  of  this  newspaper  had  been  an  amuse- 
ment to  all  of  us.  Duroverai  and  I  took  it  in  turns  to  report 
the  sittings,  a  few  notes  scribbled  in  the  Assembly  itself 
sufficed  to  remind  us  of  the  gist  of  the  debates  and  the 
order  in  which  they  occurred ;  we  never  pretended  to  give 
a  literal  account  of  the  inconceivable  verbiage  that  issued 
from  the  Tribune.  Mirabeau  procured  copies  of  all  the 
most  important  speeches  for  us,  and  as  they  were  all  written 
beforehand,  this  was  not  a  difficult  matter.  Very  often  the 
authors  sent  them  of  their  own  accord.  Those  who  were 
most  long-winded  often  complained  that  we  had  curtailed 
their  inflated  and  pompous  effusions.  Very  few  were  satis- 
fied, though  Mirabeau  occasionally  received  their  thanks, 
which  he  did  not  fail  to  pass  on  to  us. 

Chapelier  said,  "  I  suppose  that  in  the  provinces  our 
speeches,  when  purged  of  all  their  verbiage  and  folly,  may 
appear  to  be  masterpieces."  We  took  the  greatest  pains  to 
report  accurately  all  the  different  arguments  offered  by  both 
parties  in  the  more  important  discussions,  and  in  this  way 
our  reports  were  perfectly  impartial.  Even  as  regards 
Mirabeau  himself,  though  we  sometimes  made  excuses  for 
his  vagaries,  we  never  flattered  him ;  with  the  exception  of 
an  occasional  harmless  joke  we  never  allowed  any  person- 

73 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

alities  to  appear,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that,  except  in  a 
very  few  cases,  Mirabeau  was  grateful  to  us  for  never  being 
the  instruments  of  revenging  his  "  amour  propre." 

Sieves  complained  rather  bitterly  once  as  to  our  criticisms 
on  his  "  Rights  of  Man,"  and  other  principles  of  the  new 
constitution.  "  Whatever  happens  I  implore  you  not  to  em- 
broil me  with  that  man,"  said  Mirabeau,  "  his  vanity  is  im- 
placable." 

I  have  re-read  numbers  of  the  paper  lately,  and  am  aston- 
ished at  the  boldness  we  showed  in  attacking  the  Assembly. 
Continually  I  find  aspersions  cast  on  the  want  of  order  and 
cohesion  in  its  procedure,  both  as  regards  financial  and  con- 
stitutional matters.  The  way  in  which  general  principles 
were  discussed  without  descending  to  details,  the  insidious 
anticipation  of  decisions,  the  upsetting  of  all  the  old  execu- 
tive powers  without  creating  any  corresponding  institutions 
in  their  places,  the  conversion  of  the  Assembly  into  an  in- 
formation bureau,  and  its  assumption  of  all  ministerial 
duties,  all  these  things  we  freely  blamed.  We  presented  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  incoherence,  the  disorder,  and  the 
passion  that  presided  over  its  labours. 

During  the  absence  of  Duroverai  in  November,  1790, 
M.  de  Reybaz  took  his  place.  My  part  of  the  work  ended 
in  March,  when  I  wrote  an  account  of  the  discussion  on  the 
monastical  spirit  and  religious  communities.  The  others 
continued  their  joint  work  for  a  few  months  longer,  but 
eventually  both  they  and  Mirabeau  abandoned  the  work, 
and  the  paper  became  a  mere  compilation  of  decrees  and 

74 


THE  COURRIER  DE  PROVENCE 

speeches,  which,  except  as  to  its  title,  bore  no  resemblance 
to  our  original  publication. 

I  was  often  sick  of  this  work,  for  it  was  not  one  that 
could  give  one  any  pleasure,  and  it  left  but  little  time  for 
study  or  meditation.  In  spite  of  a  few  tolerable  articles, 
the  publication  is  a  very  mediocre  one,  and  often  quite 
worthless.  I  am,  therefore,  not  surprised  that  it  has  fallen 
into  the  same  neglect  as  have  all  the  other  ephemeral  pro- 
ductions of  the  time. 

Besides  writing  for  this  periodical,  I  continued  adding 
my  quota  to  Mirabeau's  legislative  labours.  I  will  now 
resume  my  narrative,  which  will,  I  hope,  be  less  tedious 
than  this  account  of  our  newspaper. 


75 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

[FTER  the  insurrection  inParis,the  National 
Assembly  was  soon  completed.  The  major- 
ity of  the  nobles  and  the  minority  of  the 
clergy  joined  themselves  together.  At  this 
period,  they  were  still  treated  with  con- 
sideration, they  were  listened  to  in  dignified  silence,  but 
without  enthusiasm.  The  speeches  of  the  President,  Bailly, 
were  too  suave,  in  them  civility  got  the  better  of  sincerity, 
and  though  all  hearts  were  embittered,  his  words  only 
breathed  peace  and  harmony. 

This  was  a  trick  intended  to  deceive  the  people,  but  it 
failed  in  its  object,  and  all  confidence  was  destroyed  by  this 
misleading  language. 

The  disorders  which  continued,  the  massacres  which  dis- 
graced Paris,  and  which  were  extending  into  the  provinces, 
decided  several  people  to  propose  that  an  address  should 
be  issued  by  the  National  Assembly  to  the  People.  After 
the  success  of  the  first  address  I  looked  on  the  composition 
as  belonging  to  my  department.  I  therefore  wrote  one 
which  was  a  sort  of  political  sermon. 

At  its  first  reception  it  was  praised,  but  at  the  second  it 

76 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

was  rejected.  I  do  not  know  if  it  controverted  the  opinions 
of  certain  people,  but  however  it  was,  it  received  great 
praise  but  had  no  success,  though  it  was  printed  in  the 
"  Courrier  de  Provence."  However,  it  would  have  made  no 
difference  if  it  had  been  adopted  or  not,  insurrections  are 
not  to  be  stopped  by  phrases.  If  such  an  exhortation  could 
have  succeeded,  it  would  only  have  been  as  a  precursor  of 
vigorous  measures.1 

The  Assembly  was  so  afraid  of  offending  the  people, 
that  they  looked  on  any  motion  tending  to  repress  dis- 
orders or  censuring  popular  excess  as  a  snare.  A  feeling  of 
defiance  possessed  every  one.  Success  had  come  through 
the  People,  therefore  it  was  not  possible  to  be  severe  with 
them ;  on  the  contrary,  though  the  Assembly  often  declared 
that  they  were  profoundly  afflicted  and  perturbed  by  the 
violence  committed  by  the  bandits  and  brigands  who  burnt 
the  castles  and  insulted  the  aristocracy,  there  was  secret 
satisfaction  at  the  terror  caused  by  these  outrages. 

They  had  put  themselves  in  the  alternative  of  either 
fearing  the  Nobles  or  of  making  themselves  the  object  of 
fear.  They  condemned  only  from  a  sense  of  propriety,  they 
acted  cautiously  from  a  sense  of  what  was  politic,  they  paid 
compliments  to  Law  and  Order  at  the  same  time  that  they 
encouraged  license. 

Respect  for  the  executive  powers  was  only  a  formula,  and 

when  the  ministers  came  to  show  theirweakness  and  revealed 

their  impotence,  the  Assembly,  who  remembered  only  too 

1  See  Appendix. 

77 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

well  what  it  was  to  live  in  dread,  were  at  least  secretly 
delighted  that  fear  had  changed  its  abode.  If,  they  thought, 
you  were  powerful  enough  to  make  the  people  respect  you, 
we  should  also  hold  you  in  fear.  This  was  the  sentiment 
that  appeared  to  dominate  what  was  called  the  left  side.  It 
was  a  reaction  from  a  feeling  of  terror. 

I  must  not  forget  that,  at  this  period,  not  only  French 
opinion,  but  also  that  of  Europe,  was  generally  in  favour  of 
the  democratic  side  in  the  Assembly.  I  can  hardly  describe 
the  joy  which  prevailed  in  most  sections  of  society  at  the 
contemplation  of  the  Revolution,  which  had  succeeded  in 
felling  the  ancient  Government  of  France. 

One  may  say  that,  in  Europe,  everyone,  except  the  nobil- 
ity, had  trembled  for  the  fate  of  the  Commons,  and  had  felt 
that  their  deliverance  was  that  of  humanity  itself.  It  was  a 
trial  at  bar  between  the  human  race  and  the  usurping  and 
dominant  classes.  The  unhappy  events,  which  were  fatal 
to  the  Revolution,  now  throw  a  dark  shadow  even  on  its 
cradle;  one  is  ashamed  to  have  admired  at  its  commence- 
ment, a  cause  that  one  was  forced  to  hate  in  its  further 
progress;  but  an  impartial  historian  must  remember  that, 
at  this  time,  there  was  a  general  ferment  of  frenzied  hopes, 
and  that  the  enthusiasm  excited  by  the  greatness  of  the 
occasion,  caused  an  insensibility  to  disorders  which  were 
looked  on  as  unhappy  accidents  in  the  National  triumph. 
Could  the  whole  scaffolding  of  an  antique  and  ruinous 
edifice  collapse  without  wounding  some  unfortunate  or 
obstinate  people  who  would  persist  in  trying  to  prop  it  up? 

78 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

This  was  the  opinion  held  by  the  best  minds  in  Europe, 
the  greatest  philosophers,  all  the  best  philanthropists  and 
friends  of  liberty.  If  it  was  an  error,  it  was  a  universal  one. 
England,  as  the  freest  and  noblest  of  them  all,  declared 
herself  more  strongly  than  other  countries.  The  destruction 
of  the  Bastille  had  caused  general  rejoicing.  The  Govern- 
ment had  not  allowed  the  event  to  be  publicly  celebrated 
at  the  theatres,  out  of  regard  for  the  King  of  France,  but 
the  entire  Nation  had  been  generous  enough  to  sympathize 
with  the  French  people  in  the  fall  of  despotism. 

This  enthusiasm  was  sustained  for  nearly  the  whole 
existence  of  the  first  National  Assembly.  It  diminished 
after  the  events  of  the  5th  and  6th  of  October;  many  of  its 
former  admirers  became  indifferent,  many  wise  men  began 
to  think  that  the  French  treated  their  King,  who  had  done 
so  much  for  them,  with  contumely,  and  to  fear  that  the 
national  character  was  too  impetuous  and  violent  to  be  fit 
for  freedom.  But  this  small  number  of  dissentients  made 
but  little  impression.  The  first  important  check  to  the 
enthusiasm  for  the  Revolution,  was  the  famous  writing  of 
Burke,  in  which  he  attacked  singlehanded  the  gigantic 
strength  of  the  Assembly,  and  portrayed  these  new  legis- 
lators, in  the  midst  of  their  power  and  glory,  as  maniacs, 
who  might  destroy  everything,  but  who  were  incapable  of 
establishing  anything.  This  writing,  sparkling  with  genius 
and  eloquence,  though  it  was  composed  in  an  age  when 
imagination  was  on  the  decline,  caused  the  formation  of  two 
parties  in  England.  It  has  been  only  too  well  justified  by 

79 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

subsequent  events,  but  it  is  possible  that  the  cry  of  horror, 
that  was  raised  by  it  against  France,  may  have  in  some 
measure  contributed  to  the  violence  which  characterized 
this  period.  It  is  possible  that  by  awakening  the  attention  of 
the  Government,  and  the  holders  of  property,  to  the  dangers 
of  this  new  political  religion,  he  became  the  saviour  of 
Europe ;  but  there  was  so  much  exaggeration  in  his  writing, 
and  he  made  use  of  arguments  so  contrary  to  freedom,  that 
he  was  refuted  on  several  points  in  a  very  plausible  and 
even  powerful  manner.  However,  this  publication  of  Burke's, 
this  manifesto  directed  against  the  Assembly,  had  a  tre- 
mendous effect  in  England.  Germany,  which  had  suffered 
more  under  the  yoke  of  the  aristocracy,  continued  in  its 
unbounded  admiration  for  the  French  legislators. 

The  united  National  Assembly  at  once  began  the  work 
of  drawing  up  the  famous  declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man. 
It  was  an  American  idea,  and  there  was  hardly  anyone  who 
did  not  consider  that  such  a  declaration  was  an  indispensable 
preliminary.  I  well  recall  this  long  debate,  which  lasted 
for  weeks,  as  a  time  of  appalling  dulness ;  useless  discus- 
sions over  words,  metaphysical  clap-trap,  overwhelming 
garrulity,  the  Assembly  was  converted  into  a  school  of  the 
Sorbonne,  where  all  the  political  apprentices  were  trying 
their  hands  on  these  puerilities.  After  rejecting  several 
suggestions,  a  committee  of  five  was  charged  to  draw  up  a 
new  project.  Mirabeau,  one  of  the  five,  with  his  usual 
generosity,  undertook  the  work  and  then  gave  the  job  to 
one  of  his  friends.  We  found  ourselves  therefore  with 

80 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

Duroverai,  Claviere  and  himself,  composing,  disputing, 
adding  a  word  here,  effacing  some  there,  wearing  our- 
selves out  with  this  absurd  task,  and  at  last  producing  a 
piece  of  patchwork  of  supposed  "  Natural  Rights,"  which 
had  never  had  any  existence!  During  the  course  of  this 
melancholy  compilation,  I  reflected  on  many  things  for 
the  first  time. 

I  felt  the  futility  and  absurdity  of  this  work ;  it  was  only 
a  puerile  pretence.  The  Declaration  of  Rights,  I  said,  may 
be  made  after  the  constitution  has  been  established,  but  not 
before,  for  rights  only  exist  by  virtue  of  the  laws,  and  can- 
not precede  them ;  besides  this,  these  maxims  are  danger- 
ous; law-givers  must  not  be  bound  by  general  propositions 
that  may  afterwards  be  necessarily  modified  and  restrained, 
nor,  above  all,  by  false  opinions.  That  "  all  men  are  born 
free  and  equal "  is  not  true;  they  are  not  born  free;  on  the 
contrary  they  are  born  in  a  state  of  weakness  and  necessary 
dependence;  and  where  are  they  equal?  where  can  they  be 
so?  If  equality  of  fortune,  talents,  virtues,  industry  or  con- 
dition is  meant,  the  falsehood  is  manifest.  Volumes  would 
be  required  to  give  any  reasonable  explanation  of  the 
equality  which  was  to  be  universally  proclaimed.  In  a 
word,  I  had  taken  the  side  against  the  Declaration  of  the 
Rights  of  Man,  and  this  time  I  convinced  our  small  com- 
mittee to  follow  my  opinion;  even  Mirabeau,  though  he 
introduced  the  proposal,  was  bold  enough  to  make  objec- 
tions to  it  in  the  Assembly,  and  proposed  to  postpone  the 
Declaration  of  Rights  till  the  constitution  should  be  settled. 

81  G 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

"  I  tell  you,"  he  said  in  his  energetic  and  forcible  manner, 
"  that  all  declarations  of  rights  preceding  the  formation  of 
a  constitution  will  never  last  longer  than  the  calendar  of 
the  year."  Mirabeau,  who  was  always  delighted  with  a 
happy  phrase,  never  took  the  trouble  to  search  into  a  sub- 
ject in  order  to  be  able  to  argue  a  question,  or  to  defend 
patiently  any  subject,  the  cause  of  which  he  was  advancing. 
He  grasped  every  idea  with  a  marvellous  facility,  but  never 
developed  it;  the  power  of  refuting  objections  was  wanting 
in  him.  This  great  art  of  the  political  orator  was  not  his ; 
his  opinion  on  this  question  was  all  the  more  surprising  as, 
in  the  previous  sittings,  he  had  been  one  of  those  who  had 
upheld  the  necessity  of  this  declaration.  He  was,  therefore, 
violently  reproached  for  having  changed  so  suddenly. 
"What  sort  of  a  man  is  this?"  said  some  one,  "who  uses 
his  power  over  the  Assembly  to  make  it  adopt  first  one 
opinion  and  then  another?  are  we  to  be  the  playthings  of 
his  perpetual  contradictions?"  He  had  so  much  reason  on 
his  side  that,  if  he  had  been  able  to  express  it,  he  might 
have  won  the  cause;  but  he  abandoned  the  question  just  at 
the  moment  when  several  members  were  preparing  to  join 
him.  The  wretched,  pitiful  prattling  pursued  its  course,  and 
this  unfortunate  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man  was 
produced.  I  possess  to-day  a  complete  refutation  of  every 
article  in  it,  written  by  the  hand  of  a  great  master, 
and  it  carries  every  evidence  with  it  of  the  contradictions, 
absurdities  and  dangers  of  this  seditious  bill,  which  was 
in  itself  sufficient  to  destroy  the  constitution  of  which  it 

82 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

formed  part,  and  was  like  a  powder  magazine  put  under- 
neath a  building  in  order  to  blow  it  up  at  the  first  spark. 

But  if  the  Assembly  had  lost  much  time  in  its  discussions 
on  the  rights  of  man,  it  made  ample  reparation  during  the 
sitting  of  the  night  of  the  4th  of  August.  Never  was  so 
much  business  got  through  in  so  short  a  time.  Measures 
that  would  have  required  a  year  of  careful  thought  were 
proposed,  debated,  voted  and  resolved  on  by  general 
acclamation.  I  do  not  know  how  many  laws  were  decreed ; 
the  abolition  of  feudal  rights,  of  titles,  of  provincial  privi- 
leges, three  subjects  which  in  themselves  contained  a  whole 
system  of  jurisprudence  and  politics,  were  with  ten  or  twelve 
others  decided  on  in  less  time  than  the  English  Parliament 
would  take  over  the  first  reading  of  any  important  bill. 
One  would  have  thought  that  the  Assembly  was  like  a 
dying  man  who  is  in  a  hurry  to  make  his  will,  or  rather, 
who  was  giving  away  liberally  what  did  not  belong  to  him, 
and  was  taking  credit  in  being  generous  at  the  expense  of 
others. 

I  was  a  witness  of  this  drama,  which  was  so  unforeseen 
that  neither  Sieyes,  Mirabeau,  nor  several  other  eminent 
members  were  present. 

They  began  by  reporting  a  disorder  in  the  provinces,  the 
burning  of  the  castles,  and  the  gangs  of  bandits  which  were 
attacking  the  nobles  and  ravaging  private  properties  of  the 
country.  The  Due  d'Aiguillon,  Noailles  and  several  others 
of  the  minority  of  the  aristocratic  party,  after  hearing  of 
these  disastrous  scenes,  exclaimed  that  only  a  great  act  of 

83 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

generosity  could  calm  the  populace,  and  that  it  was  time 
to  abandon  all  obnoxious  privileges  and  to  allow  the  benefits 
given  by  the  Revolution  to  be  generally  felt.  I  do  not  know 
what  frenzy  seized  the  Assembly.  It  lost  ail  composure, 
all  forethought.  Everyone  proposed  some  sacrifice,  or 
brought  some  new  offering  to  be  given  up  on  the  altar  of 
the  country,  and  was  ready  to  despoil  either  himself  or 
others.  It  was  not  possible  to  reflect,  to  object,  or  to  ask 
for  delay;  an  infectious  sentimentality  seized  on  everyone. 
This  renunciation  of  all  privileges,  the  abandonment  of  so 
many  rights  that  were  onerous  to  the  people,  these  many 
sacrifices  had  a  certain  air  of  magnanimity  which  made  one 
forget  the  indecent  haste  which  was  far  from  being  the 
proper  attitude  of  legislators.  I  saw,  during  that  night, 
excellent  and  worthy  members  crying  with  joy  at  seeing 
the  task  advance  so  rapidly,  and  at  finding  themselves 
carried  on  the  wings  of  enthusiasm  far  beyond  their  wildest 
hopes.  It  is  true  that  everyone  was  not  carried  away  by 
the  same  sentiments.  Those  who  knew  that  they  were 
ruined  by  whichever  proposal  had  just  been  adopted,  un- 
animously carried  another  one,  out  of  revenge,  in  order 
that  they  should  not  be  the  only  ones  to  suffer.  But  the 
whole  Assembly  was  not  in  the  secret  of  the  motive  powers, 
and  these  individuals  were  delighted  at  being  able  to  profit 
by  the  general  intoxication.  The  renunciation  of  provincial 
privileges  was  carried  by  their  respective  members.  Those 
of  Brittany  had  promised  to  maintain  them,  and  were  there- 
fore more  embarrassed  than  the  others,  but  they  advanced 

84 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

in  a  body  and  declared  that  they  would  employ  every  means 
with  their  constituents  to  obtain  the  ratification  of  the  re- 
nunciation of  their  privileges.  This  grand  and  superb  trans- 
action was  necessary,  in  order  to  establish  political  unity  in 
a  Kingdom  which  had  been  formed  by  the  aggregation  of 
so  many  different  states,  of  which  each  one  had  preserved 
some  of  its  ancient  rights  or  particular  privileges,  and  it 
was  necessary  to  destroy  each  separate  constitution,  in 
order  to  create  one  body  of  people  capable  of  receiving  the 
unique  and  new  constitution. 

The  next  day  they  began  to  reflect  on  what  had  been 
done,  and  discontent  appeared  on  all  sides.  Mirabeau  and 
Sieyes,  each  for  their  own  particular  reasons,  condemned 
the  follies  of  this  excess  of  enthusiasm.  "  It  is  just  like  the 
French,"  said  Mirabeau,  "  they  are  a  whole  month  disputing 
over  syllables,  and  then,  in  one  night,  they  upset  the  whole 
of  the  ancient  law  and  order  of  the  Kingdom."  The  aboli- 
tion of  tithes  had  displeased  Sieyes  more  than  anything 
else.  In  subsequent  sittings  there  was  an  attempt  to  amend 
and  modify  the  greatest  imprudences  in  these  hasty  decrees, 
but  it  was  not  easy  to  retract  concessions  already  granted 
and  regarded  by  the  people  as  indisputable  rights.  Sieyes 
made  a  speech,  full  of  force  and  reason,  in  which  he  showed 
that  to  abolish  tithes  without  giving  any  indemnity  was 
despoiling  the  clergy  of  their  property  in  order  to  enrich 
the  proprietors ;  for  those  who  had  bought  their  property 
less  the  value  of  the  tithe  now  found  themselves  all  at  once 
the  richer  by  a  tenth  part,  which  was  gratuitously  presented 

85 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

to  them.  It  was  in  this  speech,  which  was  impossible  to 
refute,  that  he  closed  by  the  saying  which  has  often  been 
quoted :  "  They  wish  to  be  free,  but  they  do  not  know  how 
to  be  just."  The  opposition  was  so  strong  that  Sieyes  him- 
selfe  was  not  listened  to;  he  was  only  regarded  as  an 
ecclesiastic  who  could  consent  to  despoil  himself  of  anything 
appertaining  to  his  personal  interest,  and  who  was  paying 
this  erroneous  tribute  of  respect  to  his  cloth.  It  required 
but  little  more,  and  he  would  have  been  hissed  and  hooted. 
I  saw  him  the  next  day  full  of  bitter  resentment  and  pro- 
found indignation  against  the  injustice  and  stupidity  of  the 
Assembly,  which  he  never  forgave.  He  poured  forth  his 
bad  temper  in  a  conversation  with  Mirabeau,  who  said  to 
him :  "  My  dear  Abbe,  you  have  unchained  the  bull,  and 
now  you  complain  that  he  uses  his  horns."  These  two  men 
had  always  a  very  paltry  idea  of  the  National  Assembly; 
they  were  well  able  to  appraise  its  faults,  but  they  only 
gave  it  their  approbation  on  the  condition  that  their  own 
opinions  should  always  prevail.  If  they  were  applauded, 
then,  "  the  majority  was  full  of  good  sense,  if  left  to  itself." 
If,  on  the  contrary,  they  were  not  followed,  then,  "They 
were  fools,  deceived  by  sedition."  I  frequently  saw  Mira- 
beau's  opinion  tested  by  this  thermometer,  and  assuredly 
he  was  not  alone  in  this.  Sieyes  might  convince  them  that 
his  contempt  for  them  was  sincere,  because  he  did  not  try 
to  win  their  applause,  and  kept  a  dignified  silence,  but 
Mirabeau,  eager  to  mount  the  tribune,  how  could  he  per- 
suade anyone  that  he  was  indifferent  to  their  blame  or 

86 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  MAN 

praise?  Both  of  them  felt  that  an  assembly  consisting  of 
one  chamber  only  had  no  regulating  balance,  and  the  sitting 
of  the  4th  of  August  showed  to  what  point  it  could  be 
carried  away  by  panic,  causing  it  to  lose  all  sense  of  pro- 
portion. These  decrees  of  the  4th  of  August,  instead  of 
putting  an  end  to  all  the  brigandage  and  violence  that 
prevailed,  showed  the  people  their  strength,  and  convinced 
them  that  all  the  attacks  on  the  aristocracy  would  be  left 
unpunished,  even  if  they  might  not  be  rewarded,  Once 
more,  nothing  that  is  conceded  through  fear  ever  achieves 
its  object.  Those  whom  you  wish  to  disarm  by  concessions 
will  only  redouble  their  confidence  and  audacity. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  VETO 

lOON  after  the  discussions  on  the  decrees  of 
the  4th  of  August,  the  questions  of  the  new 
constitution  arose,  and  one  of  the  most 
important  of  these  was  that  of  the  "  Veto." 
It  must  not  be  thought  that  this  subject 
produced  a  regular  debate,  like  those  in  the  English  House 
of  Commons ;  as  soon  as  the  combat  began,  lists  of  orators 
in  favour  of  or  against  the  question  were  prepared,  each  of 
them  appeared  in  turn,  armed  with  his  portfolio,  and  read 
a  dissertation  which  never  had  any  connection  with  the  one 
that  preceded  it.  I  cannot  conceive  anything  more  weari- 
some than  this  kind  of  academic  sitting,  this  reading  of 
pamphlets  full  of  repetitions  and  with  no  connection  with 
each  other.  A  debate  in  which  each  one  speaks  to  reply  to, 
or  to  make  an  attack  on  others,  exerts  all  the  faculties  of 
the  mind,  and  holds  everyone's  interest ;  but  these  discourses, 
composed  in  the  study,  refuted  objections  which  had  never 
been  made,  and  did  not  answer  those  that  had. 

One  was  always  at  the  same  stage;  every  orator  began 
the  question  as  if  nothing  had  been  said  before  on  the  sub- 
ject by  anyone  but  himself. 

Mirabeau  had  quite  made  up  his  mind  to  uphold  the 

88 


THE  VETO 

absolute  veto,  which  was  regarded  as  essential  to  the  pre- 
servation of  the  Monarchy,  but  he  had  allowed  himself  to 
be  indoctrinated  on  the  subject  by  the  Marquis  de  Caseaux, 
the  author  of  an  unintelligible  book  on  the  management  of 
companies,  and  of  another  entitled,  "  A  Simple  Idea  for  the 
Constitution,"  which  nobody  had  been  able  either  to  read 
or  to  understand.  I  think  that  Mirabeau  was  not  sorry  for 
once  in  a  way  to  be  independent  of  us.  He  therefore  con- 
cealed from  us  his  alliance  with  his  new  and  heterodox 
friend,  and  only  told  us  that  he  was  quite  prepared,  and  had 
some  notes  and  headings  for  his  speech,  which  he  would 
amplify  on  the  Tribune.  There  had  been  so  many  detest- 
ably bad  speeches  delivered,  that  everyone  was  rejoicing  at 
Mirabeau's  presence,  but  he  had  hardly  begun  to  speak, 
than  I  recognized,  phrase  by  phrase,  the  doctrine  and  the 
style  of  Caseaux.  The  clumsy  constructions,  the  singular 
words,  the  long  periods,  the  obscure  reasonings  did  not  long 
hold  the  attention  of  the  Assembly.  It  was  discovered  that 
the  "  absolute  veto  "  was  being  upheld,  which  was  a  fresh 
reason  for  raising  murmurs  against  him.  Mirabeau,  who 
had  hardly  looked  at  the  rubbish,  now  perceived  all  its 
faults,  and  quickly  threw  himself  into  some  ordinary  com- 
monplaces against  despotism  in  general,  and,  by  some 
salient  points,  obtained  his  ordinary  tribute  of  applause  from 
the  galleries,  but  when  he  returned  to  his  notes,  the  tumult 
began  again,  and  he  had  considerable  difficulty  in  finishing 
his  speech,  in  spite  of  his  courage,  which  never  deserted 
him  in  a  crisis. 

89 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

The  result  was  that  Mirabeau  offended  the  popular  party 
by  upholding  the  "  absolute  veto,"  but  his  speech  was  so 
obscure  that  those  in  the  galleries  did  not  know  on  which 
side  he  had  spoken,  and  the  Palais  Royal,  which  was  frantic 
with  all  the  partisans  of  the  Veto,  still  considered  Mirabeau 
as  the  most  zealous  of  its  antagonists.  But  what  was  enough 
to  destroy  the  popularity  of  others  had  no  effect  on  him. 
On  this  occasion,  the  left  side  thought  that  he  had  affected 
to  be  obscure,  in  order  to  twist  his  opinion  in  any  sense 
that  he  liked,  so  that  Caseaux's  trash  was  attributed  to  his 
deep  cunning  and  machiavelism.  I  never  saw  him  really 
disconcerted  except  on  this  occasion;  he  confessed  to  us 
that,  as  he  proceeded  to  read  his  speech,  he  broke  out  into 
a  cold  sweat,  and  that  he  suppressed  half  of  it  without  being 
able  to  supplement  it  with  anything  original,  because,  in 
his  confidence,  he  had  never  studied  the  subject  for  himself. 
We  patched  up  this  speech  a  little  before  it  was  printed  in 
the  "  Courrier  de  Provence,"  but  its  original  strange  and 
obscure  character  did  not  disappear.  This  is  the  way  in 
which  the  most  important  legislative  matters  were  treated ! 
"  ex  ungue  leonem."  This  was  the  first  constitutional  ques- 
tion in  which  the  people  took  a  lively  interest,  and  one  can 
imagine  how  far  they  were  able  to  understand  it.  In  their 
eyes  the  Veto  took  all  sorts  of  imaginable  forms ;  it  seemed 
to  them  to  be  a  monster  ready  to  devour  everything.  I 
shall  never  forget  going  to  Paris  with  Mirabeau  the  same 
day,  or  possibly  the  day  after ;  there  were  people  waiting 
for  his  carriage  outside  le  Jay's  shop  who  threw  themselves 

90 


THE  VETO 

on  him  imploring  him  with  tears  in  their  eyes  not  to  consent 
to  the  King  having  the  "  Veto  absolu."  They  were  beside 
themselves :  "  Monsieur  le  Comte,  you  are  the  father  of  the 
people,  you  must  save  us,  you  must  defend  us  against  these 
wretches  who  wish  to  deliver  us  over  to  despotism ;  if  the 
King  has  the  veto,  there  is  no  use  in  a  National  Assembly, 
all  is  lost  and  we  shall  be  slaves:"  and  a  thousand  other 
extravagant  demands  arose  from  their  breaking  hearts. 
On  these  occasions,  Mirabeau  always  showed  to  advantage; 
he  calmed  them  by  vague  generalities,  and  sent  them  away 
with  the  civility  of  a  true  Patrician. 

When  it  came  to  the  division  on  the  question  of  the  Veto, 
Mirabeau  did  not  vote;  this  is  why  his  name  was  not  on 
the  list  which  was  taken  to  the  Palais  Royal  of  those  who 
had  voted  for  the  "veto  absolu."  This  was  certainly  cowardly 
conduct  on  his  part,  but  he  hid  it  under  the  pretence  of 
holding  the  Assembly  in  contempt.  It  was  absurd  to  pass 
laws  independently  of  each  other;  they  ought  to  have  been 
compared,  in  order  to  see  whether  they  would  agree  with 
each  other  or  whether  they  would  be  of  a  contradictory 
character.  A  law  which  might  be  good  if  combined  with 
another  would  have  quite  a  different  effect  if  taken  alone. 
It  was  only  the  presumption  and  inexperience  of  the 
National  Assembly  that  made  it  act  in  this  way  and,  day 
by  day,  pass  new  laws  without  having  before  them  the 
whole  plan  of  the  Constitution.  For  example,  in  this  case, 
before  discussing  the  Veto  it  would  have  been  well  to  know 
if  the  legislative  body  was  to  be  divided  into  two  chambers, 

91 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

or  if  there  was  only  to  be  a  single  assembly.  The  settling 
of  this  question  was  an  indispensable  preliminary,  for  if  the 
legislative  body  was  not  divided,  the  "  veto  absolu  "  was  a 
necessity  in  order  to  prevent  one  body  from  usurping  the 
whole  power;  but,  at  the  same  time,  it  was  impossible  to 
enforce  the  "  veto  absolu,"  for  a  King  is  powerless  against 
the  whole  force  of  the  united  will  of  the  National  Assembly. 
A  King  who  appears  to  be  opposed  to  the  wishes  of  the 
nation's  representatives  plays  a  dangerous  game,  and 
occupies  a  post  that  he  is  unable  to  defend.  If  the  legis- 
lative body  had  been  divided  into  two  sections,  the  "  veto 
absolu "  would  have  been  less  necessary,  because  there 
would  not  have  been  the  same  likelihood  of  both  sections 
agreeing  with  each  other.  The  great  fault  of  the  Assembly 
was  that  it  did  not  work  together,  and,  therefore,  it  pro- 
duced an  irregular  edifice  without  proportion  or  accuracy, 
in  which  some  parts  were  too  strong  and  others  too  weak, 
an  incoherent  mass  which  was  unable  to  sustain  the  least 
shock,  which  attained  a  gigantic  elevation,  but  whose  founda- 
tions only  rested  on  the  bare  surface  of  the  soil.  But  this 
error  arose  from  the  desire  for  prompt  action  and  the  wish 
to  carry  some  motion,  or  to  reap  the  first  fruits  of  another. 
There  was  no  community  of  interest,  no  forethought.  It 
was  considered  a  good  thing  to  steal  a  march  on  the 
Assembly  with  sudden  propositions  and  to  introduce  sub- 
jects in  a  contraband  and  unexpected  manner.  A  constitu- 
tional committee  had  been  appointed,  but  this  body,  full  of 
jealousies  and  divisions,  could  not  agree  together  or  direct 

92 


THE  VETO 

the  course  of  business  to  a  common  purpose.  It  was  a 
miniature  reproduction  of  the  Assembly,  composed  of  the 
same  elements,  the  same  prejudices,  the  same  ambitions 
for  supremacy  and  personal  distinction,  the  same  selfish 
struggles,  in  short,  everyone  took  upon  himself  the  task  of 
introducing  whatever  subjects  he  preferred,  and  often  these 
were  chosen  with  no  other  reason  than  the  desire  to  be  to 
the  front.  Study  and  reflection  found  no  place  in  the 
Assembly,  laws  were  passed  almost  at  the  point  of  the 
sword,  as  if  they  were  being  carried  by  assault.  After  hav- 
ing demolished  everything,  it  was  necessary  to  build  it  all 
up  again,  and  the  Assembly  had  such  a  high  opinion  of  it- 
self, especially  the  extreme  left  side,  that  it  would  have 
willingly  undertaken  to  make  laws  for  the  whole  world. 
Historians  are  willing  enough  to  recount  the  misfortunes 
of  the  Revolution,  but  it  is  quite  as  essential  to  notice  the 
original  faults  which  brought  about  these  misfortunes.  If 
one  wished  to  trace  them  still  further  back,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  consider  the  composition  of  the  Assembly  and, 
above  all,  to  examine  the  circumstances  which  produced 
the  defiance,  the  struggle,  the  quarrels  of  the  different  orders 
and,  finally,  the  victory  of  the  Commons  and  the  fall  of  the 
power  of  the  throne. 

The  prevailing  character  of  the  French  is  that  of  conceit : 
every  member  of  the  Assembly  considered  himself  capable 
of  undertaking  everything ;  never  were  there  so  many  men 
who  imagined  themselves  to  be  born  legislators,  and  who 
considered  they  were  intended  to  repair  all  the  faults  of  the 

93 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

past,  to  mend  all  the  errors  of  human  nature,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  the  happiness  of  future  generations.  Doubt  never 
entered  their  minds;  their  own  infallibility  carried  through 
all  their  measures,  however  contradictory.  A  numerous 
minority  continually  found  fault  with  them  in  vain,  and 
protested  against  their  measures,  but  the  more  the  minority 
attacked  them  the  more  pleased  were  they  with  themselves. 
When  the  King  dared  to  send  them  some  modest  remon- 
strances on  the  decrees  of  the  4th  of  August  and  on  the 
Declaration  of  Rights,  they  were  astonished  that  the  min- 
isters had  the  audacity  to  criticise  their  labours,  and  M. 
Necker,  who  was  the  author  of  this  message,  began  from 
that  time  to  decline  in  their  estimation. 

I  have  been  able  to  compare  the  English  and  French  in 
the  same  conditions,  as,  for  some  time,  I  followed  the  sit- 
tings of  the  English  Parliament  as  well  as  those  of  the 
National  Assembly.  There  is  no  more  striking  contrast 
in  the  characters  of  the  two  nations  than  the  shy  reserve 
of  the  Englishman  and  the  confidence  of  the  Frenchman  in 
himself.  I  often  said  that  if  you  proposed  to  the  first  hun- 
dred men  you  met  in  the  streets  of  Paris  and  to  the  same 
number  in  the  streets  of  London  to  undertake  the  charge  of 
government,  that  ninety-nine  of  them  would  accept  in  Paris 
and  ninety-nine  would  refuse  in  London. 

A  great  part  of  the  business  transacted  at  the  Tribune 
was  manufactured  outside  the  walls  of  the  Assembly.  A 
Frenchman  had  no  scruples  in  delivering  a  speech  which 
he  had  not  composed,  and  in  taking  the  credit  of  this  sort 

94 


THE  VETO 

of  public  imposition;  but  there  are  few  Englishmen,  not 
one  amongst  people  of  repute,  who  would  lend  themselves 
to  being  merely  actors  in  a  theatre.  A  Frenchman  would 
put  himself  forward  on  any  subject  that  might  be  suggested 
to  him,  without  troubling  himself  with  the  consequences; 
an  Englishman  would  be  afraid  to  exhibit  himself  unless 
he  had  sufficiently  studied  his  subject  so  as  to  be  able  to 
reply  to  the  objections  to  it  and  to  sustain  the  opinions  he 
had  advanced.  It  costs  a  Frenchman  very  little  to  make 
an  assertion,  but  an  Englishman  is  not  in  a  hurry  to  pro- 
duce a  fact  before  the  public;  he  wishes  to  be  sure  of 
his  authority  for  it,  to  trace  it  to  its  source,  and  to  master 
its  details.  A  Frenchman  thinks  he  can  get  over  all  difficul- 
ties by  a  little  wit,  and  he  is  ready  to  attack  subjects  about 
which  he  knows  nothing — it  was  thus  that  Mirabeau  made 
himself  the  spokesman  for  the  committee  on  mines,  without 
having  even  an  inkling  of  knowledge  of  the  subject.  An 
Englishman  would  expose  himself  to  indelible  ridicule 
if  he  dared  to  undertake  the  workings  of  a  department  of 
which  he  knew  nothing,  and  he  is  much  more  likely  to 
refuse  to  undertake  what  he  is  capable  of  performing,  than 
to  be  ambitious  enough  to  try  to  do  what  is  beyond  his 
powers.  A  Frenchman  thinks  that  wits  are  sufficient  for 
everything,  an  Englishman  is  persuaded  that  it  is  necessary 
to  have  science  and  practical  knowledge.  It  was  a  French 
gentleman  who  was  asked  if  he  could  play  the  harpsichord, 
and  who  replied,  "  I  cannot  tell  you,  as  I  have  never  tried, 
but  I'll  see."  There  is  humour  in  this  anecdote,  and  if  you 

95 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

augment  the  idea,  put  the  government  in  the  place  of 
music  and  the  legislator  in  place  of  the  French  gentleman, 
you  would  have  had  twelve  hundred  of  them  at  once ! 

Romilly  had  made  an  interesting  study  on  the  rules  of 
procedure  observed  by  the  English  House  of  Commons; 
these  rules  were  the  result  of  reasoned  experience,  and  the 
more  one  examines  them,  the  more  admirable  do  they 
appear.  They  are  customs  that  are  carefully  observed  by 
a  body  that  is  most  unready  to  introduce  innovations ;  they 
are  not  written  down,  and  a  great  deal  of  trouble  and  care 
was  necessary  to  get  them  drawn  up.  This  little  code  in- 
dicated the  best  way  of  answering  questions,  of  preparing 
motions,  of  debating  them,  of  taking  the  votes,  of  naming 
committees,  of  treating  of  the  different  ways  of  conducting 
business;  in  one  word, it  explained  all  the  tactics  of  a  political 
assembly.  I  had  translated  this  writing  at  the  beginning  of 
the  sitting  of  the  States  General ;  Mirabeau  presented  it  to, 
and  placed  it  in,the  office  of  the  Commons  when  the  question 
arose  of  making  the  rules  for  the  National  Assembly.  "  We 
are  not  English,  and  do  not  wish  to  be  English,"  was  the 
answer  given  to  him.  Not  the  smallest  attention  was  paid 
to  this  writing,  which  had  been  printed ;  they  did  not  even 
deign  to  inquirewhat  happened  in  such  acelebrated  assembly 
as  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain.  National  vanity  was 
wounded  at  the  idea  of  borrowing  wisdom  from  another 
nation,  and  they  preferred  to  persist  to  the  end  in  dangerous 
and  bad  methods  of  debate. 

The  sitting  of  the  4th  of  August  was  the  proof. 

96 


THE  VETO 

When  Brissot  alluded  to  the  constitution  he  generally 
remarked,  "  See  what  England  has  lost "  (  Voila  ce  qui  a 
perdu  r Angleterre).  Sieyes,  Dupont,  Condorcet,  Garat,  and 
many  others  held  precisely  the  same  opinions.  One  day 
Duroverai  pretended  to  be  astonished,  and  said,  "  How  is 
England  lost?  When  did  you  get  the  news?  In  which 
latitude  has  she  disappeared?"  the  joke  was  not  on  Brissot's 
side.  Mirabeau,  who  was  then  composing  a  speech  against 
Mounier,  attributed  the  silly  remark  to  him  in  order  to  have 
the  pleasure  of  retorting  with  the  little  stolen  bon  mot. 
Mounier  complained  of  this  in  one  of  his  writings  in  which 
he  reveals  the  inaccuracies  of  which  Mirabeau  was  guilty 
during  the  debate  which  he  describes. 


97 


CHAPTER  IX 

MIRABEAU  AND  "  tf 


HAVE  not  many  recollections  of  the  suc- 
ceeding month  of  September,  but  at  that 
time  I  saw,  with  Mirabeau,  a  good  deal 
of  two  very  different  men;  one  of  them, 
Camille  Desmoulins,  had  written  several 
articles  signed  the  "  attorney-general  of  the  Lanterne."  It 
must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  he  encouraged  the 
populace  to  lanterner,  of  which  he  is  accused  by  M.  Bert- 
rand  de  Molleville;  on  the  contrary,  he  pointed  out  the 
dangers  and  injustice  of  these  executions,  but  in  a  tone  of 
jesting  and  frivolity  which  was  most  improper  for  such  a 
subject.  Camille  appeared  to  be  what  is  called  a  "good 
fellow,"  excitable,  thoughtless,  without  judgement,  as  ignor- 
ant as  he  was  inconsequent,  not  wanting  in  intelligence,  but 
having  the  most  elementary  notions  as  regards  politics. 
Whilst  walking  with  him,  I  tried  to  explain  the  English 
Constitution  to  him  a  little,  of  which  he  spoke  with  as  much 
ignorance  as  if  it  had  been  a  question  concerning  Mono- 
motapa.  Three  years  later,  Camille  had  become,  owing  to 
his  Jacobinism  and  friendship  with  Robespierre,  a  consider- 
able personage  ;  his  talents  had  matured,  and  in  a  writing 

98 


"  £GALIT£ 


MIRABEAU  AND  "EGALITE" 

in  which  he  gives  an  account  of  himself  after  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution,  he  alludes  to  me  with  a  passing  good- 
natured  recollection,  and  says  that  I  was  an  emissary  of 
Pitt's,  sent  to  mislead  Mirabeau,  and  that  I  was  always 
preaching  at  Versailles  about  the  English  Constitution.  I 
have  not  read  this  work  of  his,  but  I  am  told  it  is  very  well 
written,  and  that  Camille  was  one  of  those  who  shaped  him- 
self according  to  circumstances. 

The  other  man  was  La  Clos,  the  author  of  "Liaisons 
dangereuses"  This  La  Clos,  who  was  attached  to  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  was  a  gloomy,  taciturn  man,  having  the  appear- 
ance and  expression  of  a  conspirator,  reserved,  intelligent, 
but  so  uncongenial  that  I  hardly  ever  spoke  to  him,  though 
I  saw  him  often.  I  do  not  know  what  connection  he  had 
with  Mirabeau.  The  events  of  the  5th  and  6th  of  October 
have  been  imputed  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  le  Chatelet 
implied  that  Mirabeau  was  in  this  conspiracy.  The  National 
Assembly  declared  that  there  was  no  reason  for  this  accus- 
ation against  either  of  them.  But  the  verdict  of  the  Assembly 
is  not  that  of  History,  and  a  good  many  veils  would  have 
to  be  lifted  before  judgement  could  be  pronounced  on  this 
matter.  In  spite  of  my  intimacy  at  this  period  with  Mirabeau, 
if  he  was  connected  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  he  never  took 
me  into  his  confidence  about  it.  It  is  an  unknown  mystery 
to  me,  if  indeed  there  is  any  mystery  about  it.  In  recalling 
all  the  little  circumstances  which  could  not  fail  to  betray 
such  an  imprudent  and  confident  man  as  Mirabeau,  I  find 
nothing  that  can  include  him  in  this  plot  against  the  Court. 

99 


It  is  true,  however,  that  his  acquaintance  with  La  Clos 
showed,  at  least  on  the  Duke's  part,  a  wish  to  flatter  and 
make  use  of  Mirabeau,  who  went  several  times  to  Montrouge 
and,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  saw  the  Duke  of  Orleans  once  or 
twice,  but  this  he  might  have  done  without  being  concerned 
in  any  conspiracy  with  him.  I  remember  hearing  him  talk 
of  the  Duke,  praising  his  natural  abilities  and  saying  that, 
as  regards  morality,  no  blame  must  be  imputed  to  him,  for 
he  had  lost  the  sense  for  it  and  could  no  longer  distinguish 
between  good  and  evil.  About  this  time,  Mirabeau  said  to 
Duroverai  and  me:  "  I  am  astonished  at  finding  myself  a 
philosopher!  I  was  born  to  be  an  adventurer, but  who  knows? 
They  are  going  to  dismember  the  kingdom,  and  I  have  some 
influence  in  Provence."  Duroverai  began  to  chaff  and  said : 
"  He  already  believes  himself  Comte  de  Provence." — "  Well," 
said  Mirabeau,  "  many  others  have  started  lower."  In  his 
imagination  he  always  foresaw  upheavals  and  destruction. 

The  only  fact  which  appears  to  me  to  have  been  against 
him  was  concerning  a  book  he  was  preparing  for  publication, 
and  about  which  we  were  kept  in  ignorance.  When  the 
Assembly  left  Versailles  to  go  to  Paris,  Duroverai  and  I 
were  staying  at  Mirabeau's  house,  he  being  away,  to  arrange 
and  collect  some  of  our  papers.  Le  Jay  arrived  suddenly  in 
travelling  dress,  leaving  his  carriage  at  the  door;  he  was 
very  much  upset,  and  had  some  difficulty  in  making  us 
understand  the  cause  of  his  concern.  He  had  been  to  some 
place,  of  which  I  am  ignorant,  to  fetch  the  edition  of  a  book 
that  had  been  clandestinely  printed  and  that  ought  to  have 

100 


MIRABEAU  AND  "EGALITE" 

arrived  a  fortnight  earlier,  and  which  he  did  not  dare  to 
bring  into  Paris.  "  What  was  the  edition?  What  book?  What 
was  it  about?" — "  It  is,"  said  le  Jay,  "the  book  against  the 
Royal  Power." — "Against  the  Royal  Power!  Show  us  a  copy 
of  it"  It  was  a  small  volume,  with  a  preface  by  Mirabeau  and 
the  name  of  the  author.  I  do  not  remember  the  exact  title, 
but  I  think  it  was  "  de  la  Royauti,  extrait  de  Milton."  It  was, 
in  fact,  either  translated  or  abridged  from  Milton ;  scattered 
passages  were  strung  together  to  form  a  connected  republican 
doctrine.  I  remember  seeing  Mirabeau  and  his  friend  Servan 
occupying  themselves  with  this  translation.  Servan,  who  was 
Vice-governor  of  the  Pages  and,  like  all  the  people  belong- 
ing to  Versailles,  an  enemy  of  the  Court,  was  subsequently 
Minister  of  War.  After  the  events  of  the  5th  and  6th  of 
October,  the  publication  of  such  a  book  was  not  only  a  libel 
but  an  act  of  high  treason,  as  coming  from  a  member  of  the 
National  Assembly.  We  were  all  the  more  annoyed  about  it 
as  the  first  suspicions  of  those  about  Mirabeau  fell  naturally 
on  us  as  being  Republicans  by  birth  and  also  being  familiar 
with  the  English  language.  But,  apart  from  our  own  interest 
in  the  matter,  that  of  Mirabeau  was  alone  enough  to  alarm 
us.  Duroverai  succeeded  so  well  in  frightening  le  Jay,  that  he 
already  imagined  himself  at  the  Chatelet  or  La  Tournelle 
He  consented  to  everything  and,  the  same  day,  took  the 
whole  edition  into  the  house  and  burnt  it.  Le  Jay  only 
managed  to  save  a  dozen  copies.  This  expedition  concluded, 
he  returned  to  Paris,  much  pleased,  to  tell  his  wife  of  the 
danger  he  had  been  in  from  which  we  had  extricated  him. 

101 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Madame  le  Jay,  who  had  reckoned  on  the  success  of  the 
lampoon,  fell  upon  her  husband  and  reproached  him  for  his 
stupidity,  and  impressed  upon  him,  at  the  same  time,  her 
own  superiority  in  strength  and  intelligence.  She  then  went 
on  to  denounce  Duroverai  to  Mirabeau,  but  he  was  not 
foolish  enough  to  doubt  that,  under  the  circumstances,  this 
book  would  have  been  his  ruin.  What  he  would  have  liked 
would  have  been  to  keep  it  back  for  some  great  occasion, 
but  he  had  enough  difficulty  to  defend  himself  in  the  matter 
without  venturing  upon  any  complaint  as  to  the  loss  of  a 
few  thousand  francs. 

I  confess  that  in  thinking  it  over  since,  and  regarding 
the  dates,  the  postponing  of  the  edition,  the  moment  when 
it  ought  to  have  been  ready,  le  Jay's  journey  to  fetch  it, 
and  the  mystery  which  he  was  told  to  observe  about  it,  I 
am  almost  tempted  to  believe  that  there  was  some  deep 
design  in  the  composition  of  this  work,  and  that  Mirabeau 
wa,s  concerned  in  the  secret  of  the  events  of  the  5th  and 
6th  of  October.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  I  knew  that  this 
compilation  had  been  put  in  hand  some  time  before,  and 
that  Mirabeau's  mania  for  publication  was  so  great  that 
he  was  carried  away  by  it  beyond  all  considerations  of 
prudence.  What  was,  I  think,  the  case,  supposing  that  the 
Versailles  insurrection  was  instigated  by  the  agents  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  was  that  La  Clos  was  too  clever  to  confide 
everything  to  Mirabeau's  indiscretion,  but  that  he  had 
secured  him  conditionally,  leaving  plenty  of  cover  and 
possibility  of  retreat  from  the  position  open  to  both  sides. 

1 02 


MIRABEAU  AND  "  EGALITE  " 

It  is  impossible  not  to  believe  that  there  was  some  connec- 
tion between  them.  "  Instead  of  a  glass  of  brandy,  they 
have  given  a  bottle":  this  is  how  he  explained  the  Paris 
movement.  I  suppose  that  if  the  King  had  taken  flight, 
Mirabeau  would  have  proposed  or  supported  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  as  lieutenant-general  of  the 
kingdom,  and  that  he  would  have  been  prime  minister.  Such 
a  romantic  idea  might  very  well  have  suggested  itself  to 
him,  and  his  fury  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans  has  raised  the 
suspicion  that  he  was  thrown  over  by  him  in  this  expecta- 
tion. Perhaps  M.  de  Lafayette  is  aware  of  the  secret  of  these 
events  which,  after  all,  might  have  been  brought  about,  with- 
out the  help  of  any  conspiracy,  by  the  spontaneous  move- 
ment of  the  people,  who  were  terrified  by  the  fear  of  famine 
which  had  at  this  moment  produced  the  famine  itself.  The 
people  attributed  the  dearth  to  the  aristocracy ;  it  was,  they 
said,  the  aristocracy  who  had  the  corn  cut  while  it  was  still 
green,  who  paid  the  bakers  to  be  idle,  who  diverted  trade, 
who  threw  the  flour  in  the  river,  in  short,  there  was  no  lie 
or  absurdity  which  did  not  appear  probable  to  them.  The 
popular  newspapers  never  ceased  spreading  these  scurrilous 
falsehoods. 

The  arrival  of  a  new  regiment  at  Versailles  renewed 
all  their  fears,  the  entertainments  given  in  their  honour 
at  the  palace  were  inconceivably  inauspicious;  it  was  not 
a  conspiracy,  because  it  is  impossible  for  five  hundred 
people  to  conspire  publicly  at  a  banquet,  but  they  had 
sung  "  O  Richard,  O  mon  roif"  they  had  insulted  the  national 

103 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

colours,  they  had  paraded  the  Dauphin  in  public.  The 
King  and  Queen,  delighted  to  receive  these  signs  of  affec- 
tion, increased  the  enthusiasm  by  their  presence.  At  any 
other  time,  it  would  not  have  been  considered  a  crime  for 
the  young  officers  of  the  King's  Guard  to  be  roused  to  en- 
thusiastic affection  for  the  Royal  Family.  The  clouds  that 
hung  over  it,  the  misfortunes  with  which  it  was  menaced  still 
excited  chivalrous  and  honourable  sentiments  amongst  a 
young  aristocracy  devoted  by  their  position  to  the  defence 
of  their  sovereign.  But,  as  soon  as  the  account  of  this  scene 
in  the  Palace  was  spread  abroad  amongst  the  public,  with 
all  the  exaggerations  to  which  it  lent  itself,  it  was  thought 
that  it  must  have  been  arranged  with  the  intention  of  put- 
ting the  Revolution  in  an  obnoxious  light,  and  of  forming 
a  new  league  in  defence  of  the  King.  The  banquet  was 
denounced  by  the  Assembly  itself  as  a  sign  of  a  conspiracy 
of  the  Court  against  the  people.  The  right  side  denied  the 
calumny  with  fury.  Mirabeau,  primed  by  Servan,  threw  him- 
self into  the  midst  of  the  tumult,  and  declared  that  he  was 
prepared  to  denounce  by  name  all  the  principal  actors  in 
the  sacrilegious  orgy,  provided  that  it  should  be  previously 
decreed  that  the  person  of  the  King  alone  should  be  held 
sacred  and  inviolable.  This  expression,  which  carried  accu- 
sation against  the  Queen,  caused  the  right  side  to  tremble, 
and  made  the  democrats  themselves  afraid  to  go  any  further. 
If  at  this  juncture  Mirabeau  had  put  himself  in  opposition 
to  the  popular  mania,  he  might  easily  have  represented  the 
affair  in  a  different  aspect,  and  made  the  signs  of  affection 

104 


MIRABEAU  AND  "EGALITE" 

shown  for  the  King  assume  a  favourable  appearance;  he 
might  have  openly  regretted  that  anyone  could  have 
imagined  that  they  were  not  shared  by  the  Assembly  and 
the  nation  itself,  or  he  might  even  have  proposed  that  a 
similar  fete  might  be  given  where  the  King  would  be  sur- 
rounded by  all  the  representatives  of  France.  At  the  same 
time  the  dismissal  of  the  Flanders  Regiment,  whose  pre- 
sence was  not  necessary,  might  have  been  demanded,  but  it 
must  be  allowed  that  the  Assembly,  which  prated  so  often 
of  its  attachment  to  the  King,  never  took  any  real  steps  to 
give  it  expression. 

The  scarcity  which  now  prevailed  kept  the  people  in  a 
state  of  agitation ;  this  and  the  scene  at  the  Palace  appeared 
in  those  days  sufficient  excuses  to  explain  the  Paris  insur- 
rection and  the  invasion  of  Versailles. 

It  was  only  subsequently  that  these  events  were  attributed 
to  a  plot  hatched  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  This  grave 
suspicion  assumed  an  appearance  of  truth  when  it  became 
known  that  M.  de  Lafayette  had  required  the  Duke's 
absence  from  Paris  and  had  forced  him  to  depart  for 
England.  The  veil  has  not  been  lifted  from  the  background 
of  this  intrigue,  but  I  recollect  that  two  years  later,  in  a 
confidential  interview  with  the  Bishop  of  Autun  (M.  de 
Talleyrand),  he  said  these  remarkable  words  to  me:  "The 
Duke  of  Orleans  is  the  vessel  into  which  all  the  filth  of  the 
Revolution  has  been  thrown." 

This  is  what  my  memory  recalls  to  me  of  Mirabeau's 
conduct  during  these  days  of  the  5th  and  6th  of  October. 

105 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

On  the  5th  we  were  dining  with  M.  de  Servan  in  the  palace 
called  "les  Petites-Ecuries,"  where  he  had  lodgings  as 
Governor  of  the  Pages.  From  the  windows,  which  overlooked 
the  big  courtyard,  we  saw  the  arrival  of  the  Parisian  mob, 
the  fishwives,  market  porters,  and  whole  multitude  clamour- 
ing only  for  bread.  The  Versailles  National  Guard  was 
stationed  outside  the  precincts  of  the  Palace,  the  King's 
guards,  both  foot  and  horse,  were  in  the  outer  enclosure  of 
the  big  and  little  courtyards.  There  was  some  tumult 
which  we  could  not  quite  make  out.  Mirabeau  was  not  long 
with  us ;  in  fact,  I  do  not  remember  that  he  was  dining  with 
us.  Though  the  crowd  was  great,  and  one  did  not  know 
what  might  happen,  we  walked  about  freely,  we  saw  the 
King's  carriages  turn  aside  out  of  the  by-streets,  and  we 
thought  there  must  be  a  question  of  the  Royal  Family's 
flight.  Tired  of  wandering  about,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the 
evening  I  went  to  the  Assembly,  which  presented  a  curious 
spectacle:  it  had  been  invaded  and  filled  by  the  mob;  in 
the  galleries  were  sitting  men  and  women  armed  with 
halberds,  pikes  and  bludgeons.  The  sitting  had  just  been 
suspended,  but  a  messenger  arrived  from  the  King  to  request 
the  President  to  send  a  deputation  to  the  Palace,  and  to 
declare  the  sitting  permanent.  I  went  to  fetch  Mirabeau, 
whom  I  found  already  in  bed,  though  it  was  only  eleven 
o'clock.  When  we  arrived  at  the  Assembly,  where  the 
President  was  uselessly  expending  his  strength  in  order  to 
produce  a  little  calm,  Mirabeau  raised  his  arrogant  voice 
and  bade  him  enforce  respect  for  the  Assembly  by  ejecting 

106 


MIRABEAU  AND  "EGALITE" 

all  the  strangers  who  were  within  its  precincts.  His  popu- 
larity was  needed  to  carry  him  through,  but,  little  by  little, 
the  crowd  dispersed,  and  the  members  began  a  quiet  debate 
on  some  question  of  penal  law.  I  was  in  a  gallery  where 
a  fishwife  was  conducting  herself  with  an  air  of  authority, 
and  was  directing  the  movements  of  a  hundred  women  and 
young  people,  who  waited  for  her  orders  to  cheer  or  to  be 
silent ;  she  called  out  in  a  familiar  way  to  the  members, 
and  asked:  "Who  is  that  speaking  down  there?  Make  that 
jabberer  hold  his  tongue!  That's  not  the  question,  we  must 
have  bread,  that's  what  we  want!  Let  our  little  darling 
Mirabeau  speak,  we  wish  to  hear  him."  Our  little  darling 
Mirabeau  was  called  for  by  the  whole  company,  but  he  was 
not  the  man  to  waste  his  eloquence  on  these  occasions, 
and,  as  he  said,  his  popularity  was  not  to  be  cheapened 
and  vulgarized. 

Towards  midnight,  an  aide-de-camp  announced  M.  de 
Lafayette's  approach  at  the  head  of  the  Paris  National 
Guard,  and  his  presence  was  looked  on  as  a  safeguard ;  his 
soldiers  had  renewed  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  King  and 
the  laws,  and  the  mob  became  calm  at  the  assurances  given 
by  the  King,  which  had  been  carefully  spread  abroad. 
About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  went  home,  the 
Assembly  still  sitting.  When  I  awoke,  I  heard  a  confused 
account  of  what  had  passed,  of  the  invasion  of  the  Palace 
and  the  disarming  of  the  Guards.  It  was  all  attributed,  at 
that  time,  to  misunderstandings,  to  indiscretions  and  to 
quarrels  which  had  accidentally  arisen.  Mirabeau  went 

107 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

early  to  the  Assembly,  and  I  heard  that  he  had  opposed 
the  demand  made  by  the  King  to  bring  the  Assembly 
itself  to  the  Palace,  as  a  means  of  contenting  the  mob.  This 
assumed  dignity,  which  he  gave  as  a  reason  for  only  sending 
a  deputation,  was  very  suspicious;  was  it  the  moment  to 
stand  on  etiquette,  and  could  there  be  a  greater  duty  than 
to  surround  the  monarch  when  he  was  in  danger?  It  is 
certain  that,  if  there  was  a  plot  against  him,  and  if  Mirabeau 
had  been  an  accomplice  he  could  not  have  behaved  in  any 
other  way ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  why  should  the  Assembly, 
which  was  not  in  the  plot,  suddenly  have  fallen  in  with  this 
opinion?  This  is  all  the  more  reason  for  believing  that  he 
had  only  availed  himself  of  the  general  feeling,  and  that 
there  was  no  premeditation  about  his  motion.  There  was 
at  this  moment  a  marked  opposition  between  the  Court  and 
the  National  Assembly,  because  the  King  had  only  given 
a  semi-approbation  to  the  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man 
and  to  the  explanatory  decrees  respecting  it  of  the  4th  of 
August :  advantage  was  taken  of  the  prevailing  disturbance 
to  demand  of  the  King  his  full  and  frank  consent  to  it,  in 
order  to  make  it  appear  that  his  refusal  had  been  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  Revolution.  Mounier  was  presiding  over  the 
Assembly;  Mirabeau  was  very  jealous  of  him  and  perhaps, 
unconsciously,  he  had  no  other  motive  than  to  get  the  better 
of  him  and  to  do  him  harm  by  representing  his  advice  as 
being  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the  Nation. 

Several  members  with  whom  the  people  were  furious  had 
taken  flight,  expecting  nothing  more  from  a  revolution 

108 


MIRABEAU  AND  "  EGALITE  " 

which  used  such  methods  of  action.  They  did  not  dare  to 
go  to  Paris  and  therefore  abandoned  their  seats.  Lally- 
Tolendal  and  Mounier  were  of  this  number,  of  which  there 
were  fifty-five  or  fifty-six.  This  desertion  was  not  justifi- 
able, but,  before  accusing  them  of  cowardice,  it  would  be 
well  to  consider  the  violences  they  had  undergone,  and 
to  have  been  oneself  exposed  for  some  time  to  similar 
outrages. 


109 


CHAPTER  X 

QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE 

HAVE  omitted  to  speak  of  Mirabeau's 
celebrated  speech  on  the  Nation's  bank- 
ruptcy, in  order  to  unite  under  one  head- 
ing a  few  subjects  connected  with  finance. 
Mirabeau  did  not  understand  this  sub- 
ject thoroughly,  though  he  had  published  several  works 
on  it,  such  as  "la  Banque  de  Saint-Charles"  "/a  Denunciation 
de  I' Agiotage"  etc.  He  had  two  assistants,  Panchaud  and 
Claviere;  Panchaud  said  of  Mirabeau  that  he  was  the  best 
man  in  the  world  to  speak  on  topics  of  which  he  knew 
nothing.  Quick  perceptions  and  a  happy  method  of  ex- 
pressing himself  gave  him  the  power  of  imposing  on  su- 
perficial minds.  When,  in  consequence  of  the  indiscre- 
tions of  the  Revolution,  the  revenue  was  diminished  and 
the  taxes  became  of  no  value,  M.  Necker,  in  difficulties 
to  keep  the  immense  machinery  working  by  a  trickling 
stream  that  would  shortly  run  dry,  proposed  to  the  Assembly 
the  raising  of  a  loan  which  he  endeavoured  to  make  attrac- 
tive to  the  leaders ;  he  wished  to  make  use  of  the  credit  of 
the  caisse  tfescompte.  Claviere,  who  had,  I  think,  some 
personal  dislike  for  this  Society,  of  which,  indeed,  many 

no 


QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE 

just  complaints  were  made,  because  its  administration  had 
been  of  a  stockjobbing  nature,  engaged  Mirabeau  to  declare 
himself  against  this  plan.  The  Assembly  entangled  itself 
with  the  organization  of  the  loan  and  put  its  customary 
intelligence  into  the  business.  The  consequence  was  that  it 
had  no  success  whatever,  and  that  the  celebrated  National 
loan,  which  had  been  talked  about  with  so  much  pride,  was 
a  complete  failure.  Soon  afterwards,  M.  Necker  was  obliged 
to  produce  another  plan,  a  kind  of  patriotic  borrowing  of 
the  quarter  of  the  revenue.  This  time,  Mirabeau  resolved 
to  support  the  Minister;  he  did  not  like  him,  and  no  longer 
had  any  dealings  with  him ;  the  intimacy  which  Duroverai 
and  Mallouet  had  wished  to  encourage  had  had  no  results ; 
there  was  a  suspicion  that  he  only  supported  the  scheme  in 
order  to  attribute  all  the  responsibility  for  it,  as  well  as  its 
failure,  to  M.  Necker.  Some  idle  talkers,  who  thought  that 
the  Assembly  would  compromise  its  dignity  by  adopting  a 
ministerial  measure  without  changing  anything  in  it,  pro- 
posed some  modifications ;  Mirabeau  raised  his  voice  against 
any  proposals  of  this  sort,  and  urged  the  Assembly  to  accept 
the  scheme  as  it  was  proposed  and  not  to  touch  it  in  any 
way.  The  chief  argument  which  he  used  was  the  failure  of 
the  first  loan,  which  was  attributed  by  the  friends  of  the 
Government  not  to  circumstances  but  to  the  Assembly's 
having  ruined  it  by  mistaken  alterations,  and  that,  he  argued, 
caused  the  dangerous  state  of  the  country's  credit,  and  the 
draining  of  the  revenue,  and  he  represented  the  national 
bankruptcy  as  a  calamity  by  which  France  was  incessantly 

in 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

menaced.  The  picture  he  drew  of  so  commonplace  a  subject 
was  of  great  force,  it  even  rose  to  sublimity,  for  he  treated  it 
in  the  style  of  Cicero  or  Bossuet.  Those  who  heard  the 
speech  will  never  forget  it ;  it  excited  feelings  of  terror,  and 
the  image  arose  of  a  yawning  abyss  in  which  one  heard  the 
groans  of  the  engulfed  victims. 

The  success  was  triumphant ;  there  was  not  the  feeblest 
attempt  at  a  reply.  The  Assembly  was  subjugated  by  this 
dominating  power  which  seized  hold  of  a  multitude  as 
though  it  were  a  single  individual,  and  the  Government's 
scheme  was  adopted  with  complete  confidence.  After  this 
day, Mirabeau  was  looked  on  as  a  unique  being;  he  had  no 
rival ;  other  orators  existed,  but  he  alone  was  eloquent,  and 
the  impression  he  produced  was  all  the  more  striking  as 
this  speech  was  delivered  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  and 
could  not  have  been  prepared  beforehand.  At  the  moment 
of  his  greatest  success,  he  proved  that  when  he  owed  every- 
thing to  himself  his  efforts  were  far  superior  to  those  that 
were  made  on  his  behalf  by  his  friends. 

Mole,  the  principal  actor  at  the  Theatre-Francais,  heard 
this  speech ;  he  had  come  to  present  a  petition  at  the  head 
of  a  deputation  of  comedians ;  Mirabeau's  power,his  dramatic 
descriptions,  his  sublime  voice,  made  an  extremely  vivid 
impression  on  him;  much  affected  by  it,  he  approached 
him,  in  order  to  offer  him  his  tribute  of  praise :  "  Ah !  monsieur 
le  comte,"  he  said  in  a  voice  of  pathos, "  what  a  speech !  And 
with  what  expression  you  delivered  it!  Mondieu!  How  you 
have  mistaken  your  vocation!"  He  was  amused  on  per- 

112 


QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE 

ceiving  the  doubtfulness  of  this  compliment,  but  Mirabeau 
was  much  flattered  by  it.1 

Some  few  days  after  this,  at  the  beginning  of  October, 
the  King  being  already  in  Paris,  it  was  resolved  to  hasten 
the  effect  of  the  Government  proposals  by  issuing  an 
address  to  the  country  from  the  National  Assembly.  Mira- 
beau was  charged  with  the  work  of  composing  it,  and  he 
transferred  the  business  to  me.  I  undertook  it  all  the  more 
willingly  as  I  flattered  myself  that  a  solemn  address  weighed 
with  the  seal  of  authority  might  serve  as  a  vehicle  for  truths 

1  (This  is  part  of  the  speech  to  which  M.  Dumont  alludes :)  "  Oh !  If 
the  least  of  the  solemn  promises  made  to  us  do  not  guarantee  our 
respect  for  the  public  good  faith  and  our  horror  of  the  disgraceful  word 
'bankrupt,'  I  should  dare  to  suspect  secret  motives,  perhaps,  alas, 
concealed  even  from  ourselves,  which  cause  us  imprudently  to  draw 
back  from  announcing  an  act  of  great  devotion  and  renunciation  which 
will  certainly  be  inefficacious  if  it  be  not  swift.  I  say  to  those  who 
familiarize  themselves  with  the  idea  of  not  keeping  their  public  engage- 
ments by  the  fear  of  making  sacrifices  and  of  imposing  taxes ; — what 
then  is  bankruptcy,  if  it  be  not  the  most  cruel,  the  most  iniquitous,  the 
most  unequal,  the  most  disastrous  of  taxes?  Listen  to  me,  my  friends, 
for  a  moment ;  two  centuries  of  depredations  and  robbery  have  opened 
an  abyss  in  which  the  Kingdom  is  nearly  engulfed ;  this  frightful  chasm 
must  be  bridged.  Here  is  the  list  of  the  property  holders  of  the  Nation : 
choose  the  richest  among  them,  in  order  to  sacrifice  fewer  citizens,  but 
do  not  spare  them,  for  is  it  not  better  that  a  few  should  perish  in  order 
to  save  the  mass  of  the  Nation?  Consider!  Do  not  these  two  thousand 
personages  possess  enough  riches  to  pay  off  the  deficit?  Bring  back 
order  to  your  finances,  and  peace  and  prosperity  to  the  Kingdom ! 
Strike  !  Sacrifice  these  victims,  throw  them  into  the  abyss,  it  will  close 
on  them.  You  draw  back  with  horror,  inconsequent  men,  cowards,  do 
you  not  perceive?  etc.,  etc." 

113  I 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

of  the  greatest  importance ;  I  did  not  wish  to  palliate  the 
excesses  of  the  Revolution,  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  show 
with  all  the  strength  in  my  power  that  the  nation  would  be 
lost  if  she  let  herself  be  misled  any  longer  by  false  ideas  of 
liberty  disguised  in  the  odious  mask  of  license.  This  com- 
position was  not  so  rapidly  put  together  as  the  one  to  the 
King,  because  the  subject  was  more  delicate  and  com- 
plicated. It  required  a  great  deal  of  tact  not  to  offend  the 
Assembly,  which  was  as  exacting  as  a  despot  and  took 
offence  at  the  slightest  and  most  indirect  reproofs.  I  took 
three  days  over  the  work ;  it  was  very  well  received,  but  it 
had  rather  the  effect  of  a  sermon  on  the  listeners,  so  it  was 
not  much  applauded  and  was  soon  forgotten.  I  have  found 
among  my  papers  the  original  rough  draft  of  the  address 
just  as  I  gave  it  to  Mirabeau;  there  are  one  or  two  marks 
of  his  pen  on  it,  and  the  committee  of  editors  made  a  few 
slight  alterations  in  it. 

Some  days  later,  Duroverai  told  me  of  a  proposal  that 
had  been  made  to  him  by  a  Paris  banker,  M.  Delessert; 
this  was  nothing  less  than  an  offer  of  money  as  a  sign  of 
gratitude  for  the  service  we  had  rendered  in  supporting  the 
plan  of  the  Government,  for  everyone  knew  what  influence 
we  had  over  Mirabeau,  and  my  part  in  the  composition  of  his 
speeches  and  addresses  to  the  nation  was  more  than  sus- 
pected. M.  Delessert  spoke  in  the  name  of  several  bankers, 
and  advanced  a  hundred  louis  as  his  contribution.  Duroverai 
had  neither  accepted  nor  refused,  but  he  said  he  would 
speak  to  me  on  the  subject.  I  was  very  angry  at  his  not 

114 


QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE 

having  at  once  given  the  most  decided  refusal,  as  he  would 
most  assuredly  have  done  if  the  proposal  of  these  gentle- 
men had  preceded  instead  of  followed  the  service  we  had 
rendered.  We  had  not  considered  them  in  our  action,  and 
they  owed  us  nothing ;  I  only  saw  in  this  pretended  grati- 
tude the  offer  of  a  salary  in  disguise;  that  such  a  gift  could 
not  be  openly  acknowledged  showed  that  it  was  an  im- 
proper one  to  receive;  the  slightest  suspicion  of  personal 
interest  in  the  matter  appeared  to  me  so  disgraceful  that 
Duroverai  had  some  difficulty  in  persuading  me  that  there 
was  no  insult  intended  by  M.  Delessert's  offer. 

When  the  Assembly  was  transferred  to  Paris,  it  held  its 
sittings  at  the  Archeveche.  I  insisted  on  Mirabeau  propos- 
ing a  vote  of  thanks  to  M.  Bailly  and  to  M.  de  Lafayette,  and 
I  composed  a  speech  in  which  I  represented  the  difficulties 
of  their  political  conduct  in  the  midst  of  these  stormy  times. 
As  he  was  very  jealous  of  their  popularity,  this  proposition 
did  not  please  him  at  first,  but  I  knew  that  he  would  not 
resist  the  pleasure  of  being  the  author  of  a  motion  which 
was  already  prepared  and  approved  of  by  him.  The  Mayor 
and  the  Commandant  of  Paris  were  all  the  more  flattered  as 
they  did  not  expect  this,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  being 
the  means  of  bringing  together,  for  at  all  events  a  few  days, 
men  whose  union  appeared  to  me  advantageous  for  the 
public  welfare.  The  jealousies,  hatred  and  ill-will  between 
the  principal  characters  of  the  Revolution  were  some  of  the 
maladies  of  the  time;  if  it  had  been  possible  to  make  them 
act  together,  they  would  have  given  a  uniform  action  to  the 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Assembly  and  the  nation,  but  the  wishes  that  I  formed  in 
this  respect  were  only  the  dreams  of  inexperience.  It  is 
only  a  strong  government  that  can  arrest  individual  passions 
and  force  them  to  act  in  common ;  in  a  weak  government, 
a  number  of  cross-currents  are  always  to  be  found.  Every 
candidate  for  public  favour  wishes  to  make  his  own  little 
independent  fortune.  They  all  hate  each  other  as  rivals 
and  weaken  each  other  until  they  eventually  fall  under  the 
•power  of  one  individual. 

M.  de  Lafayette  was  now  at  the  zenith  of  his  celebrity  ; 
he  was  master  at  the  Palace,  the  National  Guard  was 
devoted  to  him;  his  manners  were  modest,  his  intentions 
pure,  his  personal  character  commanded  everyone's  esteem. 
His  home,  under  the  auspices  of  a  virtuous  and  religious 
wife,  was  distinguished  by  that  propriety  of  conduct  which 
the  French  nobles  had  too  often  forgotten.  I  was  invited 
to  dine  with  him  in  the  company  of  Mirabeau,  M.  de  la 
Rochefoucauld,  M.de  Liancourt  and  many  others.  I  rejoiced 
in  a  reconciliation  which  I  had  brought  about  without  any- 
one suspecting  me.  As  far  as  I  can  recollect,  it  was  at  this 
time  that  the  question  arose  of  Mirabeau  entering  the 
Government ;  there  were  negotiations  and  parleyings  on  the 
subject,  M.  Necker  was  almost  won  over,  the  King  had 
nearly  consented,  but  there  was  one  sine  qua  nont  Mirabeau 
wished  to  remain  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  without  which, 
his  entry  into  the  Government  would  prevent  his  having  the 
power  to  serve  the  public  cause.  There  was  some  suspicion, 
some  indiscretion,  or  perhaps  some  secret  betrayal,  for,  just 

116 


QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE 

as  the  matter  was  being  arranged,  Lameth  or  Noailles  or 
Duport  or  some  one  on  that  side  brought  forward  a  motion 
in  the  Assembly  to  declare  that  no  member  could  accept  a 
place  in  the  executive,  and  no  minister  sit  in  the  Assembly. 
Mirabeau  opposed  it  in  vain;  Duroverai,  I  think,  wrote  a 
very  conclusive  speech  on  the  question.  The  votes  were 
very  equally  divided,  but  Lameth's  motion  carried  the  day. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  English  custom  was  quoted,  in  fact, 
the  example  of  the  English,  instead  of  carrying  weight,  had 
the  contrary  effect.  The  least  idea  of  imitation  wounded 
the  vanity  of  the  innovators,  and  they  pretended  to  establish 
a  monarchy  without  retaining  in  it  a  single  monarchical 
element.  One  can  imagine  how  exasperated  Mirabeau  must 
have  been  when  all  his  ambitions  were  ruined  by  Lameth's 
motion. 

Sieyes  had  made  two  suggestions  in  the  Committee  on 
the  Constitution  which  had  been  rejected,  and  which,  ac- 
cording to  his  usual  custom,  he  took  no  pains  to  get  adopted. 
One  of  them  was  the  forming  of  a  civic  conscription  by 
which  all  young  men  were  to  be  solemnly  enrolled  as  active 
citizens.  I  approved  of  this  idea,  not  as  a  great  legislative 
measure,  but  as  a  means  of  inspection  and  education  for 
young  people.  I  wrote  a  little  speech,  of  which  Mirabeau 
took  charge,  and  which  resulted  in  the  unanimous  passing 
of  the  measure.  Sieyes,  though  he  was  pleased  at  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Committee,  was  nevertheless  annoyed  with 
Mirabeau,  and,  still  more,  with  me;  it  was  no  difficulty  for 
him  to  guess  my  share  in  the  matter,  because  he  had  spoken 

117 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

on  the  subject  in  a  conversation  with  the  Bishop  of  Chartres, 
and  I  had  expressed  my  regret  at  the  proposition  being 

discarded. 

****** 

I  have  forgotten  to  mention  a  measure  which  was  passed 
at  Versailles  after  the  King  had  come  to  Paris,  and  which 
was  suggested  by  Duroverai:  this  was  the  establishing  of 
martial  law.  Insurrections  had  become  so  frequent  that  the 
duties  of  municipal  officers  had  become  more  difficult  than 
if  they  had  been  in  the  presence  of  an  enemy.  In  many 
places  the  troops  were  pervaded  with  the  same  spirit  as  the 
populace,  and  instead  of  upholding  authority,  put  them- 
selves on  the  side  of  sedition;  the  Revolution  existed  in 
the  army  as  in  the  nation.  A  handful  of  mutineers  sufficed 
to  make  the  governor  of  a  citadel  tremble;  a  mere  act  of 
personal  defence  became  a  capital  crime,  and  the  clamours 
of  the  populace  were  more  formidable  than  the  batteries  of 
a  foreign  army.  For  some  time  past  Mirabeau  had  said 
that  this  dictatorship  of  the  people  must  cease,  and  he  was 
the  first,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  to  propose  martial  law,  and 
it  produced  keen  opposition.  It  is  a  remarkable  thing  that 
he  should  have  resisted  the  popular  side  in  this  circumstance 
without  losing  any  of  his  own  popularity.  Duroverai  had 
drawn  up  his  scheme  of  law  after  the  English  method. 
England  was  often  quoted  in  this  discussion,  but  always 
incorrectly.  There  were,  at  this  time,  in  Versailles,  two 
English  barristers  with  whom  I  was  intimate:  Duroverai, 
who  used  great  activity  in  employing  means  to  pass  his 

118 


QUESTIONS  OF  FINANCE 

project,  begged  me  to  ask  them  to  write  a  letter  to  Mira- 
beau  to  explain  the  character  of  martial  law  and  do  away 
with  the  false  ideas  that  had  been  conceived  on  the  subject. 
I  assured  him  that  this  attempt  would  be  useless,  and  that 
I  had  good  reasons  for  believing  that  they  would  do  nothing 
of  the  kind ;  but,  after  repeated  solicitations,  I  went  to  them 
to  see  if  I  could  induce  them  to  take  the  step  of  answering 
a  letter  from  Mirabeau  asking  for  explanations.  I  could 
not  induce  either  of  them  to  do  this  or  let  their  names  be 
quoted,  nor  did  they  wish  it  to  be  suspected  that  they  were 
concerned  in  influencing  the  debates  of  the  Assembly. 

I  should  not  have  mentioned  this  circumstance  if  it  had 
not  been  to  observe  that  this  character  of  reserve  is  a  na- 
tional trait,  and  that  the  fear  of  putting  themselves  forward 
in  any  matter  not  concerning  them,  and  the  suspicion  even 
of  an  intrigue  or  a  gratuitous  intervention  in  foreign  affairs 
is  as  common  a  sentiment  among  the  English  as  the  desire 
to  put  themselves  forward  and  meddle  with  everything  is  a 
universal  sentiment  among  the  French. 


119 


CHAPTER  XI 

MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

> 

LURING  the  month  of  November,  Duroverai 

went  to  England;  his  absence,  which  was 
only  to  have  been  for  eight  days,  was  ex- 
tended to  four  or  five  weeks.  While  he  was 
absent  Mirabeau  came  to  see  me  one  morn- 
ing and  told  me  he  had  a  most  important  communication 
to  make  to  me;  he  began  in  his  usual  way  by  representing 
in  the  most  gloomy  colours  the  complete  disorganisation  of 
the  kingdom,  and  the  impossibility  of  doing  any  good  with 
the  materials  of  which  the  Assembly  was  composed.  I 
waited  anxiously  to  discover  to  what  this  exordium,  which 
was  in  the  usual  language  of  the  anti-revolutionists,  should 
lead.  He  brought  out  of  his  portfolio  seven  or  eight  pages 
in  his  handwriting,  and  said  to  me,  "  Here  is  a  plan  which 
may  still  save  France,  and  at  the  same  time  secure  her 
freedom;  for  you  know  me  too  well,  my  dear  friend,  to 
think  that  I  should  enter  into  any  project  of  which  Liberty 
is  not  the  corner  stone.  Read  it  to  the  end  without  inter- 
ruption, and  afterwards  I  will  tell  you  the  means  I  propose 
to  take  to  get  it  adopted ;  you  will  see  that  they  correspond 
in  importance  to  the  measure  itself.  I  cannot,  however,  tell 

120 


MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

you  any  more  at  present,  nor  give  you  the  names  of  the 
principal  people  concerned,  it  is  a  point  of  honour  to  keep 
it  secret." 

It  is  at  this  point  that  I  most  regret  my  imperfect  memory, 
and  the  lapse  of  time  which  has  effaced  the  greater  part  of 
the  details  of  this  plan.  The  basis  of  it  all  was  to  be  the 
departure  of  the  King,  who  could  no  longer  endure  his 
restraint  in  Paris ;  he  was  to  proceed  to  Metz,  or  some  other 
fortress  where  there  would  be  generals  who  would  be  able 
to  answer  for  the  loyalty  of  their  regiments,  and,  as  soon  as 
he  arrived  at  his  destination,  he  was  to  issue  a  proclamation, 
an  appeal  to  the  whole  country,  in  which  he  would  set 
forth  the  benefits  that  had  been  conferred  by  him  on  the 
capital,  and  the  crimes  committed  by  its  inhabitants  in 
return  for  them.  He  was  to  declare  all  the  laws  passed  by 
the  National  Assembly  to  be  null  and  void,  as  they  had 
been  framed  by  usurpers  of  the  royal  power  and  were 
contrary  to  precedent.  He  was  then  to  dissolve  the  As- 
sembly and  to  convoke  the  bailleges  in  order  to  name  fresh 
members.  At  the  same  time  he  was  to  order  all  command- 
ing officers  to  maintain  their  authority,  and  the  parle- 
ments  were  to  regain  their  power  and  treat  all  rebels  with 
the  greatest  severity;  he  was  to  rally  round  him  all  the 
nobles  and  call  upon  them  to  defend  the  throne.  Mirabeau 
was  to  stay  in  Paris  and  watch  over  the  movements  of  the 
Assembly.  At  the  moment  of  the  issuing  of  this  proclama- 
tion, all  the  Right  and  the  moderate  part  of  the  Left  were 
to  agree  to  repair  immediately  to  the  presence  of  the  King, 

121 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  to  separate  themselves  from  all  those  who  refused  to 
act  in  concert  with  him ;  it  was  to  be  the  moment  of  com- 
plete scission.  If  Paris  persevered  in  her  disobedience,  all 
communications  were  to  be  cut,  and  she  would  be  reduced 
by  starvation ;  it  was  certain  that  all  the  clergy  who  had 
been  despoiled  of  their  goods  by  the  National  Assembly 
would  employ  their  religious  influence  on  the  minds  of  the 
people,  and  the  bishops  were  to  join  together  to  protest  in 
the  name  of  religion  against  the  sacrilegious  usurpations  of 
the  Assembly.  There  were  four  or  five  pages  about  details 
of  this  kind ;  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  was  all  very  cleverly 
arranged,  and  that  the  different  parts  of  the  plan  worked 
well  together. 

I  cannot  express  what  my  emotion,  or  rather  my  terror, 
was  at  listening  to  this.  After  a  few  moments'  silence,  I 
said  to  Mirabeau,  that  I  was  grateful  for  his  friendship  in 
giving  me  his  confidence,  that  I  had  no  remark  to  make  on 
it,  that  such  grave  events  were  past  my  understanding,  that 
I  was  not  competent  to  judge  of  the  fate  of  the  monarchy > 
or  to  pronounce  between  the  King  and  the  Assembly ;  but 
that,  for  my  part,  I  was  resolved  not  to  spend  .another  day 
in  Paris,  and  should  immediately  prepare  for  my  departure. 

The  sound  of  this  conversation  still  lingers  in  my  memory: 
we  spoke  slowly  and  in  low  tones,  as  men  do  who  weigh 
each  word,  and  who,  in  order  to  contain  their  hidden  emo- 
tion, restrain  every  movement  of  their  body  for  fear  of  any 
sudden  explosion. 

"  You  make  a  great  mistake,"  said  Mirabeau,  astonished 

122 


MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

at  my  resolution, "  you  think  that  this  plan  will  be  the  signal 
for  civil  war,  but  you  do  not  know  how  much  the  whole  of 
France  is  still  attached  to  the  King,  and  how  essentially 
monarchical  we  are.  The  moment  the  King  is  free,  the 
Assembly  will  be  reduced  to  nothing;  with  him  it  is  a  co- 
lossus, but  without  him  it  is  only  a  mountain  of  sand.  There 
will  be  some  agitation  at  the  Palais  Royal.  If  Lafayette 
wishes  to  be  a  second  Washington  and  puts  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  National  Guard,  he  deserves  to  perish,  and  his 
fate  will  soon  be  decided." 

"  Yes,"  said  I,  interrupting  him, "  and  that  of  many  others 
as  well ;  murder  will  preside  over  massacre !  I  do  not  know 
what  will  be  your  means  of  carrying  your  plan  into  execu- 
tion, but  I  am  sure  they  must  be  radically  wrong,  because 
the  King  has  not  enough  strength  of  character  to  go  through 
with  it.  He  will  ruin  the  scheme  as  he  has  done  so  many 
others." 

"  You  do  not  know  the  Queen,"  he  said,  "  she  has  great 
strength  of  mind,  and  the  courage  of  a  man." 

"  And  have  you  seen  her?"  I  said,  "  Have  you  been  con- 
sulted? Are  you  sure  they  trust  you?  Consider  with  whom 
you  are  going  to  act,  with  what  men  you  will  be  connected. 
Suppose  you  find  yourself  at  Metz,  or  any  other  such  place, 
you  may  be  sure  that  if  this  plan  succeeds  at  the  outset  you 
will  be  the  first  person  that  they  will  throw  over,  for  you 
have  proved  yourself  formidable,  and  that  they  will  never 
forgive.  But,  leaving  out  all  personal  considerations,  has 
not  everything  that  has  hitherto  been  attempted  against 

123 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

the  Assembly  worked  in  its  favour?  Is  it  not  backed  up  by 
public  opinion?  Has  it  not  paralyzed  the  State,  finances,  and 
the  army?  The  King  will  be  on  the  frontier,  he  will  have 
the  Emperor's  help,  but  is  it  in  his  nature  to  become  the 
conqueror  of  his  people?  Would  it  be  possible  to  establish 
Liberty  by  Austrian  troops  ?  and  would  it  not  be  an  outrage 
to  inaugurate  the  regeneration  of  France  by  this  greatest 
of  all  evils?" 

I  recollect  that,  getting  by  degrees  excited  by  the  con- 
versation, I  was  no  longer  on  my  guard,  and  my  voice  was 
raised,  and  after  a  sudden  outburst  we  were  both  surprised 
no  longer  to  hear  the  sound  of  a  violin,  to  which  we  had 
paid  little  attention  and  which  was  being  played  in  a  room 
only  separated  from  our  own  by  a  thin  partition. 

"  We  might  be  overheard,"  said  Mirabeau,  "  let  us  go  into 
another  room."  "  I  have  also  thought  out,"  he  said,  "  some 
of  the  objections  you  make,  but  I  am  sure  that  the  Court 
is  determined  to  make  this  attempt,  and  I  think  it  is  of 
importance  that  I  should  be  associated  with  it  in  order  to 
ensure  its  success  and  lead  it  into  the  paths  of  freedom, 
rather  than  that  fresh  mistakes  should  arise  and  accomplish 
its  ruin.  If  it  fails,  then  there  is  an  end  to  the  monarchy? " 

"  And  how  can  a  man  of  good  sense,"  I  replied, "  gamble 
in  such  an  infernal  lottery?  You  are  sore  because  the 
National  Assembly  has  passed  the  decree  excluding  you 
from  the  Government,  you  are  not  aware  how  far  your 
resentment  is  leading  you  astray.  If  others  than  yourself 
had  formed  this  scheme,  you  would  have  looked  on  it  as 

124 


MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

a  monstrous  crime  or  a  mad  piece  of  folly.  I  agree  with 
you  that  the  Assembly  is  very  badly  led,  but  I  am  per- 
suaded that  if  seven  or  eight  persons  would  work  together, 
there  is  no  good  which  might  not  come  of  it.  If  you  have 
any  influence  at  Court,  which,  however,  I  doubt,  use  it  to 
give  them  this  advice,  to  work  with  the  Assembly  and  not 
outside  it.  All  these  pseudo  plans  and  counter-revolutionary 
whims  only  keep  up  the  general  disquiet,  and  provide  the 
Jacobins  and  the  Comit£  de  Surveillance  with  endless 
alarms.  Finally,  it  is  in  the  Assembly  that  you  are  trusted 
and  have  power;  except  there,  you  have  none,  and  if  the 
Court  intrusts  itself  to  you  it  will  be  easier  to  serve  it  as  a 
member  of  the  Assembly  than  as  a  Minister." 

This  is  the  general  purport  of  our  conversation,  as  I  re- 
member it,  which  lasted  two  or  three  hours.  I  succeeded  in 
shaking  Mirabeau's  determination,  and,  little  by  little,  he 
confessed  to  me  that  he  had  only  proposed  this  scheme  after 
he  had  been  sounded  to  see  if  he  could  be  depended  on  if 
the  King  thought  fit  to  leave  the  capital.  I  easily  made 
him  see  that  it  was  only  a  hypothetical  project  thrown  out 
by  the  Court,  that,  as  he  was  not  in  close  touch  with  the 
Tuileries,  there  were  no  facts  to  go  upon,  and  that  there 
was  a  great  deal  of  difference  between  suggesting  a  scheme 
and  being  a  member  of  the  council  that  should  decide  on 
its  adoption.  This  consideration  had  great  weight  with  him ; 
he  felt  he  was  only  being  employed  as  an  accessory,  and  he 
had  not  even  been  informed  of  the  names  of  the  principal 
persons  who  had  planned  the  means  of  escape;  he  could 

.  125 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

not  answer  for  the  King's  consent  to  this  plan,  or  for  his 
determination  to  abide  by  the  consequences  of  it.  The  result 
was  that  he  gave  me  his  word  of  honour  to  back  out  of  it 
altogether,  and  to  persuade  "  Monsieur,"  for  it  was  he  who 
was  supposed  to  be  the  originator  of  the  plot,  to  give  it  up 
and  to  persuade  the  Court  to  direct  all  its  attention  to  the 
National  Assembly.  Two  or  three  days  afterwards,  Mira- 
beau  told  me  that  not  only  had  he  abandoned  his  part  in 
the  scheme,  but  that  the  Court  itself  had  given  it  up,  that 
the  King,  always  irresolute,  leant  towards  flight  when  he  was 
driven  to  extremities  by  some  new  attack  of  the  Assembly, 
but  that  as  soon  as  it  let  him  alone  for  a  time,  he  would  no 
longer  hear  of  the  idea.  The  system  that  was  therefore 
adopted  was  to  form  a  united  party  of  those  of  moderate 
opinions,  and  Mirabeau  was  looked  on  as  necessary  for  the 
execution  of  this  plan.  A  few  days  afterwards  at  a  dinner 
given  by  the  Bishop  of  Chartres,  Brissot  said  to  me  in  a 
triumphant  tone:  "Well,  you  are  always  laughing  at  our 
Comite  de  Surveillance,  and  our  discoveries  of  conspiracies, 
but  this  time  you'll  laugh  no  longer.  We  hold  all  the  threads 
of  a  plot  and  we  have  the  names  of  some  very  great  people, 
we  have  all  the  proofs ;  I  can't  tell  you  any  more  at  present, 
but  to-morrow  you  will  hear  what  it 's  all  about." 

The  next  day,  the  Committee  lodged  information  against 
the  Marquis  de  Favras,  who  was  in  Monsieur's  household, 
and  gave  very  strong  evidence  of  a  plan  to  carry  off  the 
King  and  convey  him  to  some  town  on  the  frontier.  I  know 
that  Monsieur  was  in  a  great  fright;  he  thought  himself 

126 


MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

obliged  to  go  to  the  Paris  Commune  to  disavow  any  connec- 
tion with  the  Marquis  de  Favras;  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Assembly  of  which  Mirabeau  confessed  to  me  he  was  the 
author.  The  storm  was  quelled.  Favras,  a  ruined  gambler, 
belonged  to  a  class  of  adventurers  whose  friends  always 
throw  them  over  if  they  expose  themselves  to  detection. 
His  conduct  in  the  trial  was  as  calm  as  that  of  the  public 
was  frantic.  If  he  was  one  of  Monsieur's  spies,  at  all  events 
he  was  faithful  to  him  to  the  last,  and  he  mounted  the  scaf- 
fold with  a  courage  that  would  have  done  honour  to  a  more 
respectable  life  than  his.  The  secret  of  the  intrigue  was 
never  known,  but  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  was  one  of  those 
men  who  are  only  useful  as  the  instruments  of  others,  but 
whose  vanity  and  ambition  lead  them  to  undertake  work 
beyond  their  powers,  and  by  being  too  active  are  themselves 
the  cause  of  everything  being  discovered.  This  sad  tragedy 
must  have  made  the  Court  party  feel  the  necessity  of  using 
all  its  powers  to  conciliate  one  party  in  the  Assembly.  As 
for  Mirabeau,  he  freely  cursed  these  blundering  courtiers 
and  mountebank  conspirators  who  wished  to  re-establish 
the  monarchy  by  means  of  a  ruined  gambler ;  but  the  praises 
he  bestowed  on  Favras'  courage  and  coolness  during  his 
final  cross-examination  made  me  suspect  that  his  death  had 
calmed  the  fears  of  his  friends  as  much  as  those  of  his 
enemies. 

I  must  not  forget  the  part  taken  by  Mirabeau  in  the 
question  of  the  property  of  the  Church.  Turgot,  in  his 
article  in  the  Encyclopaedia  entitled  "  Endowments,"  had 

127 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

shown  that  the  legislators  had  always  the  right  to  destroy 
the  powers  of  corporations  when  they  appeared  to  be  hurt- 
ful to  the  public  welfare.  He  had  shown  the  absurdity  of 
believing  that  an  endowment,  that  is  to  say,  the  private  wishes 
of  an  individual,  could  be  considered  as  an  immutable  law. 
It  followed  from  this  that  the  clergy  being  a  body  of  public 
servants,  their  properties  were  really  only  to  be  considered 
as  their  salaries ;  and  as  long  as  they  were  looked  upon  as 
necessary  to  the  State,  they  must  be  paid ;  but  the  State 
had  the  right  to  assign  their  pay  to  them  out  of  the  public 
revenues,  as  in  the  case  of  the  army,  or  out  of  appropriated 
funds  such  as  lands  or  tithes.  The  whole  question  turned 
on  whether  their  landed  estates  ought  to  be  left  to  them, 
or  whether  they  ought  to  be  salaried  like  other  officials. 
The  Bishop  of  Autun  was  the  first  who  proposed  to  sell  the 
property  of  the  Church  to  pay  off  the  National  Debt,  and 
to  substitute  for  it  a  fixed  revenue  or  income.  Mirabeau 
had  adopted  the  same  opinion,  which  was  that  of  the  Left, 
and  the  popular  party.  There  were  two  motives  for  this, 
one  the  immense  inheritance  of  the  Clergy  which  it  was 
proposed  to  seize,  and  the  reduction  of  which  appeared  to 
be  a  necessity  in  a  democratic  constitution.  A  powerful 
Church  is  a  redoubtable  weapon  in  the  hands  of  a  King. 
The  clerical  cause  was  vigorously  defended  by  the  Abbe 
Maury,  the  Archbishop  of  Aix  and  many  others. 

I  did  not  interfere  in  this  discussion  and  wrote  no  speech 
for  Mirabeau.  I  had  my  own  opinion  on  the  subject,  which 
was  that  one  has  no  right  to  sacrifice  victims  for  the  public 

128 


MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

welfare,  and  that  it  was  unjust  to  despoil  the  clergy  in  order 
to  pay  the  National  debt.  The  abolition  of  convents,  if 
accomplished  with  consideration,  would  be  a  humane  and 
wise  measure ;  the  reduction  in  the  future  of  the  salaries  of 
ecclesiastics  would  have  been  compatible  with  justice  and 
prudence;  but  it  seemed  to  me  essential  not  to  diminish  by 
a  farthing  the  property  of  the  actual  possessors,  and  I  even 
disputed  on  this  point  with  the  incumbents  themselves;  for 
example,  the  Abbe  Morellet,  who  would  have  consented  to 
some  sacrifices  and  approved  of  proportional  reductions  in 
the  case  of  prelates  and  high  dignitaries.  In  England  I  had 
imbibed  the  principle,  which  is  there  held  sacred,  that  no 
reform  should  be  accomplished  at  the  expense  of  living 
people,  but  in  France  no  one  thought  anything  of  this  rule. 
The  old  Government  had  never  considered  it  and,  in  the 
case  of  the  Jesuits,  it  had  been  violated.  Even  M.  Necker 
had  not  observed  it;  he  never  ceased  retrenching,  economiz- 
ing and  reducing  expenses,  without  troubling  himself  about 
the  interests  of  despoiled  individuals:  if  they  were  left  with 
the  mere  necessaries  of  life,  it  was  supposed  to  be  a  merciful 
act.  The  inflexible  Camus,  with  his  Jansenist  hardness, 
treated  the  poor  State  Pensioners  in  a  most  despotic  way, 
and  because  in  taking  away  their  pensions  he  did  not  pocket 
the  proceeds  himself,  he  passed  for  a  most  virtuous  defender 
of  the  interests  of  the  people,  a  rigid  Cato,  who  made 
thousands  miserable  without  making  one  individual  happy; 
for  the  pensioners  sustained  a  loss  which  threatened  their 
very  existence,  while  the  public  gain  was  an  imperceptible 

129  K 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

one,  divided  as  it  was  amongst  the  mass  of  the  Nation. 
What  sort  of  reformers  are  they  who  only  sacrifice  one  set 
of  men  to  benefit  others? 

At  this  period  one  would  have  thought  that  the  clergy 
were  not  included  as  part  of  the  French  nation.  The 
National  Assembly  did  not,  however,  carry  its  prejudices  to 
this  length,  and  proposed  to  give  them  a  sufficiency ;  this 
they  would  have  borne  without  a  murmur  if  the  treatment 
promised  them  had  been  carried  out;  but  their  property 
was  taken  from  them,  and  the  payment  made  in  its  place 
was  not  discharged  for  a  long  time. 

The  man  who  wrote  Mirabeau's  speeches  on  this  subject 
was  called  Pelin ;  he  was  a  native  of  Marseilles,  an  attorney 
or  barrister,  who  in  his  youth  had  been  concerned  in  some 
rather  low  affairs,  and  had  either  been  convicted  of  these  or 
escaped  from  justice — in  any  case  his  reputation  was  tar- 
nished. He  had  been  useful  to  Mirabeau  at  the  time  of  his 
stormy  election  at  Marseilles,  and  he  had  come  to  Paris 
about  the  month  of  October  with  a  young  and  very  pretty 
wife,  knowing  well,  no  doubt,  whether  or  no  there  was 
danger  for  her  in  the  austere  surroundings  of  the  people's 
tribune.  Pelin  appeared  to  be  gentle  and  shy,  he  was  re- 
served and  discreet,  not  brilliant,  but  capable.  He  effaced 
himself  in  the  company  of  Mirabeau,  who  treated  him  as  a 
subordinate,  and  often  spoke  to  him  in  a  tone  that  surprised 
me,  for  Pelin  was  useful  to  him,  and  had  made  reports  on 
Marseilles  and  other  matters  for  him.  He  was  paid  insuffici- 
ently, he  complained,  for  his  services.  Mirabeau  held  him 

130 


MIRABEAU  AND  THE  COURT 

in  contempt,  though  he  recognized  his  talents  and  wished 
to  employ  them.  One  of  Pe"lin's  speeches  on  Church  pro- 
perty reminds  me  of  a  scene  which,  by  chance,  I  witnessed. 
I  had  not  heard  the  speech  which  Maury  answered  and  re- 
futed with  great  success.  Mirabeau  was  not  really  capable 
of  following  the  Abbe"  in  all  the  details  and  byways  of  a 
question  of  this  sort,  and  he  had  asked  to  be  allowed  to 
wait  till  the  next  day  to  answer  him.  When  he  arrived 
home,  he  asked  for  P61in,  who  could  not  be  found;  he  sent 
two  or  three  messages,  but  no  one  knew  where  he  was. 
Towards  evening,  Mirabeau's  anxiety  became  great;  he  sent 
off  fresh  messengers,  and  at  last  Pelin  arrived ;  as  I  saw  that 
the  great  man  was  in  a  rage  and  that  his  outbreak  would 
be  humiliating  before  a  third  person,  I  retired  to  a  neigh- 
bouring room  with  a  glass  door,  which  I  shut,  but,  never- 
theless, I  did  not  lose  a  word  of  the  storm  which  burst  on 
poor  Pelin. 

"  Were  you  in  the  Assembly? "  "  No."  "  Why  were  you 
not  there?  Is  that  the  way  you  conduct  my  affairs?  See 
what  a  mess  you  have  got  me  into!  Maury  spoke  for  an 
hour,  and  how  will  you  be  able  to  make  a  reply  to  a  speech 
which  you  haven't  heard?  I  know  you,  you  would  probably 
prefer  to  write  one  against  me,  but  I  insist  on  having  a 
complete  refutation  by  to-morrow  morning;  you  will  find 
in  the  evening  reports  a  few  extracts  from  his  speech." 

P£lin  made  some  difficulty  about  it,  and  proposed  an 
adjournment;  the  question  might  be  postponed,  after  all, 
etc.,  etc.  Mirabeau  took  him  by  the  throat,  pushed  him 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

against  the  wall,  and  told  him  that  he  would  have  his  way, 
and  that  he  had  better  take  care  how  he  behaved.  Pelin  went 
to  work  about  seven  in  the  evening,  and  the  next  morning 
at  seven  o'clock,  I  received  from  Mirabeau  a  sheaf  of  papers 
and  a  note  begging  me  to  glance  over  Pelin's  nocturnal 
production,  to  give  it  my  particular  attention  from  beginning 
to  end,  and  to  send  it  to  him  at  the  Assembly  by  midday. 
I  sat  down  to  read  this  speech,  and  was  astonished  at  the 
flow  of  ideas,  the  force  of  the  arguments  and  the  chain  of 
logic  that  connected  it  together.  Pelin  had  neither  imagina- 
tion nor  eloquence,  his  style  was  that  of  an  ordinary  advocate 
who  argues  a  question  without  exaggerations.  Mirabeau, 
less  appreciative  of  this  quality  than  of  the  one  in  which 
Pelin  was  lacking,  did  not  do  him  justice.  I  sent  him  back 
the  papers,  and  assured  him  that  he  could  deliver  the  speech 
without  compromising  himself.  Eventually,  the  question 
was  adjourned,  and  the  speech  only  appeared  in  the  "Cour- 
rier  de  Provence." 

Mirabeau  has  told  me  since,  that  P61in  was  so  covetous, 
that  he  wrote  on  more  than  one  occasion  for  both  sides,  and 
that  it  was  an  amusement  for  him,  as  well  as  a  source  of 
income. 


132 


CLAVIERE 


CHAPTER  XII 

LIFE  IN  THE  CHAUSEE-D'ANTIN. 

iIRABEAU  had  left  his  hotel  and  now 
lodged  in  a  house  in  the  Chaussee-d'Antin, 
which  he  had  furnished  like  a  boudoir  of  a 
lady  of  fashion.  He  had  never  been  able 
gg  to  indulge  his  taste  for  luxury  in  the  strait- 
ened circumstances  in  which  he  had  lived,  but  he  liked 
pleasure,  display,  pretty  furniture,  delicate  living,  and 
numerous  guests,  and  there  would  have  been  no  harm  in 
this  if  he  had  kept  within  his  means.  He  inherited  the 
title  of  "  Marquis  "  from  his  father,  but  he  would  not  assume 
it,  as  he  thought  he  had  attained  more  renown  under  his 
own  name.  He  had  also  succeeded  to  a  considerable  estate 
which,  however,  was  heavily  charged  with  debt  and  mort- 
gages. He  confided  to  me  that  offers  had  been  made  to  him 
to  get  him  out  of  these  difficulties  and  to  set  him  again  in 
possession  of  his  property.  The  source  of  this  offer  would 
have  made  a  proud  and  independent  man  suspicious;  for 
it  was  "  Monsieur "  who  undertook  to  pay  him  twenty 
thousand  francs  a  month  till  his  debts  should  be  paid  off, 
and  thus  to  become  his  sole  creditor.  This  at  least  was  the 
specious  turning  which  was  given  to  what  was  called  a 

133 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Court  pension ;  it  was  the  Due  de  Levis,  a  gentleman  at- 
tached to  "  Monsieur's  "  household  since  his  childhood,  who 
had  made  this  suggestion.  Mirabeau  never  thought  of  pay- 
ing his  debts,  except  the  most  pressing  ones,  and  probably 
it  was  not  expected  that  he  should  do  so,  but  as  the  Court 
had  apparently  abandoned  the  counter  revolutionary  plan, 
which  involved  the  escape  of  the  King,  they  were  now  at- 
tempting to  form  a  party  in  the  Assembly,  and  it  was 
necessary  to  furnish  Mirabeau  with  the  means  of  keeping 
open  house  and  a  well-found  table  as  a  way.  of  attracting 
men  who  would  be  useful  to  him.  On  the  other  hand,  his 
expensive  way  of  living  might  raise  suspicions  as  to  the 
source  of  his  income,  and  for  the  "  people's  tribune  "  to  live 
as  a  Lucullus  could  not  fail  to  cause  remark.  The  pension 
of  twenty  thousand  francs  was  not  paid  for  very  long ; 
Mirabeau  did  not  prove  sufficiently  tractable,  he  did  not 
consult  the  Court,  nor  show  it  the  consideration  expected  of 
him,  and  on  his  side  he  treated  with  the  greatest  contempt 
those  who,  according  to  him,  wished  to  render  him  im- 
potent, by  causing  him  to  lose  his  popularity,  and  thus 
deprive  him  of  his  means  of  success. 

The  Court  had  at  this  time  made  another  convert  in  the 
person  of  Prince  Louis  d'Aremberg,  who  was  devoted  to  the 
Queen,  and  who  saw  more  clearly  than  the  other  courtiers 
the  great  mistake  that  had  been  made  in  neglecting  to  use 
all  possible  means  of  influence  and  suggestion  within  the 
Assembly  itself. 

Mirabeau  had  presented  me  to  him  as  well  as  Duroverai 

134 


LIFE  IN  THE  CHAUSEE-D'ANTIN 

and  Claviere.  The  interviews  of  which  I  was  a  witness,  and 
which  were  only  on  public  matters,  turned  chiefly  on  the 
necessity  of  opposing  the  unbridled  license  of  the  press  by 
wise  and  moderate  writing,  to  prevent  any  excesses  being 
committed  under  the  name  of  liberty  which  could  not  fail 
to  be  fatal  to  it,  to  persuade  the  nation  that  the  King  had 
gone  with  good  faith  into  the  cause  of  the  Revolution,  and 
to  combat  the  continual  defiance  shown  against  every 
measure  proposed  by  the  Government.  It  is  certain  that 
at  this  time  all  wise  or  honest  men  in  France  ought  to  have 
espoused  the  King's  cause,  since  he  had  bound  himself, 
either  from  a  feeling  of  honour  or  else  from  weakness,  or 
more  probably  still,  because  he  feared  civil  war,  to  act  in 
concert  with  the  National  Assembly,  and  nothing  could 
move  him  from  this  resolution  except  the  most  violent 
behaviour  and  attacks  made  against  what  remained  of 
monarchical  power.  Mirabeau,  who  understood  the  art  of 
causing  his  friends  to  be  appreciated  as  well  as  to  make 
himself  valued  by  them,  and  who  had  a  sort  of  generous 
pride  in  showing  them  off  to  the  best  advantage,  had  no 
difficulty  in  securing  our  most  zealous  services  to  support 
his  efforts  against  the  cause  of  anarchy.  Claviere  foresaw 
in  this  intimacy  a  means  by  which  he  might  be  able  to 
enter  the  government. 

It  must  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  the  inner  circle 
of  our  society  was  always  a  peaceful  one.  I  never  quarrelled 
with  any  of  them,  because  I  had  no  personal  feelings  con- 
cerned, and  was  quite  independent;  I  had  rendered  them 

135 


some  services  and  received  none  from  them  in  return;  I 
was  often  obliged  to  reconcile  them  to  each  other  and  to 
calm  them,  but  once  I  thought  there  would  be  a  rupture. 
We  had  been  dining  with  Prince  Louis  d'Aremberg,  and 
at  dessert  he  had  been  sent  for  by  the  Queen;  but  his 
absence  was  not  to  be  a  long  one,  so  we  were  to  await  his 
return.  There  had  been  some  altercation  in  the  morning, 
and  their  bad  temper  was  only  waiting  for  an  excuse  to 
explode.  Mirabeau  was  playing  with  one  of  his  rings, 
which  Claviere  looked  at  maliciously,  saying, 

"  Is  it  a  sphinx?" 

"  No,"  said  Mirabeau,  "  it 's  a  very  fine  head  of  Cicero,  and 
on  this  side  is  a  Minerva,  which  is  much  admired." 

"  Exactly  so,"  said  Claviere.  "  Cicero  on  one  side,  Minerva 
on  the  other,  and  Demosthenes,  I  suppose,  in  the  middle." 

"  As  for  you,"  said  Mirabeau,  not  appreciating  the  joke, 
"  if  you  have  yourself  painted  as  Minerva,  mind  you  don't 
forget  the  owl." 

"  I  am  not  particularly  quick,  I  allow,  my  dear  Count,  but 
your  ideas  of  humour  are  not  mine." 

"Oh!  if  you  have  not  my  ideas,  you  have  your  own. 
Don't  you  know  the  Bourges  libels  about  me?  Have  you 
not  seen  Brissot's  little  essays?  What  about  Madame  le 
Jay's  shop,  where,  as  I  understand,  you  go  to  discuss  my 
reputation  and  bandy  remarks  about  my  living  on  my 
friends'  money  and  talents,  saying,  that  if  I  was  reduced  to 
my  own  resources  there  would  soon  be  an  end  of  me  ? " 

After  this  the  storm  broke,  violent  reproaches  succeeded 

136 


LIFE  IN  THE  CHAUSEE-D'ANTIN 

one  another  in  quick  succession ;  accusations  of  treachery 
and  offensive  remarks  on  each  other's  character  were  freely 
made,  and  their  anger  became  so  uncontrolled,  that  they 
could  no  longer  moderate  their  voices,  and  the  maitre 
d* hotel,  hearing  the  noise  in  the  next  room,  and  driven  more 
perhaps  by  curiosity  than  by  any  other  motive,  opened  the 
door  and  asked  if  they  had  called  him.  Mirabeau  replied 
at  once  with  the  greatest  coolness,  and  thanked  him  most 
politely,  but  said  that  if  they  wanted  anything  they  would 
ring.  Duroverai  joined  with  Claviere  and  reproached  Mira- 
beau sharply  for  his  conduct,  and  pointed  out  to  him  that 
in  consequence  of  his  inconsistency  and  sulkiness  it  was 
excessively  difficult  to  act  in  concert  with  him.  Soon  the 
scene  became  nothing  but  confusion  and  noise,  bitter  re- 
proaches and  mutual  accusations  were  launched  at  each 
other.  Mirabeau  and  Claviere,  both  much  affected,  were 
often  compelled  to  wipe  their  eyes,  but  the  tears  were  cer- 
tainly not  those  of  affection.  As  I  did  not  engage  in  this 
dispute,  except  by  occasionally  putting  in  a  few  words  for 
the  purpose  of  calming  it,  Duroverai  made  a  direct  appeal 
to  me,  and  bade  me  say  if  I  had  not  often  found  fault  with 
Mirabeau's  vagaries,  and  if  I  did  not  agree  with  them  on 
all  points  in  this  quarrel.  Mirabeau,  who  was  perhaps  plan- 
ning a  reconciliation,  told  them  that  if  I  had  blamed  him 
it  was  always  openly,  and  to  his  face,  and  in  a  friendly  way, 
but  that  I  had  not  taken  part,  like  them,  in  secret  intrigues, 
and  that  I  had  never  undermined  his  reputation  by  repre- 
senting him  as  a  plagiarist.  When  I  thought  my  turn  had 

137 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

come,  I  told  them  simply  that  such  disputes  could  have 
but  one  issue,  and  that  they  could  not  occur  twice  between 
men  of  their  character;  that  if  they  wished  to  break  off 
their  intimacy  with  me,  I  should  be  deeply  grieved,  but 
that  my  choice  was  made,  and  that  Mirabeau  could  not 
blame  me  for  not  separating  myself  at  once  from  my  earliest 
friends  and  compatriots;  but  that  they  would  all  repent  of 
this  rupture,  which  was  only  caused  by  bad  temper,  which 
they  might  forgive,  or  exaggerated  reports  circulated  by 
unscrupulous  people.  "  There  is  no  question  of  contro- 
versy," I  said.  "It  would  be  best  to  make  an  end  of  all 
this;  you  met  together  herewith  one  object  in  common, 
and  what  new  discovery  have  you  made  since  the  begin- 
ning of  dinner  which  obliges  you  to  part  company?  It  is 
rather  ridiculous  that  you  should  all  have  been  friends  at 
three  o'clock  if  you  are  enemies  now."  By  degrees  the 
conversation  took  a  more  general  turn,  and  we  ended  by 
all  getting  into  the  same  carriage,  where  we  discussed 
what  measures  were  to  be  taken  about  procedure  in  the 
Assembly. 

During  this  dispute,  one  curious  part  of  it  struck  me 
very  much;  the  two  men  were  completely  beside  them- 
selves, and  yet,  in  spite  of  their  fury,  they  were  still  careful 
to  treat  each  other  with  consideration.  I  trembled  every 
moment  lest  I  should  hear  some  reflections  on  Mirabeau's 
private  affairs,  or  some  insinuations  about  his  pecuniary 
dealings  issue  from  Claviere's  lips,  but  he  mastered  himself, 
and  Mirabeau,  although  foaming  with  rage  and  pride,  was 

138 


LIFE  IN  THE  CHAUSEE-D'ANTIN 

still  clever  enough  to  mingle  with  his  abuse  expressions  of 
esteem  and  even  of  praise  of  Claviere's  talents,  so  that  with 
the  same  hands  he  dealt  out  wounds  and  caresses.  This  is 
what  made  the  reconciliation  between  them  an  easy  matter, 
and  it  proves  that  if  men  are  gentlemen,  they  may  be 
trusted  to  lose  their  tempers  without  fatal  results. 

I  remember  one  other  legislative  affair  of  importance  in 
which  I  took  part.  Whilst  reading  the  "Contrat  Social" 
and  "  Observations  sur  la  Pologne"  I  noticed  that  Rousseau 
ascribed  the  greatest  importance  to  a  graduated  system  of 
representation ;  that  is  to  say,  to  make  individuals  in  civil 
life  pass  through  different  ranks,  as  is  the  case  in  the  army, 
so  that  one  should  be  a  stepping-stone  to  another.  This 
has  been  practised  in  most  republics  without,  however, 
having  been  enforced  by  law,  excepting  in  the  cases  of 
Rome  and  Geneva,  if  one  can  quote  in  relation  to  each  other 
two  such  incongruous  names.  It  appeared  to  me  that  the 
same  system  ought  to  be  adopted  in  France,  and  that  it 
should  be  obligatory  for  a  citizen  to  pass  through  municipal 
and  departmental  office  before  he  could  be  eligible  for 
election  to  the  National  Assembly,  or  that  he  should  qualify 
for  it  by  being  employed  in  some  public  profession,  such  as 
that  of  barrister  or  judge.  As  the  subordinate  offices  would 
only  last  for  a  couple  of  years,  this  would  not  cause  too  long 
a  political  apprenticeship,  and  would  serve  as  a  useful 
preparation  for  the  handling  of  more  important  affairs.  We 
discussed  the  question,  and  Mirabeau  warmly  embraced  the 
scheme ;  I  wrote  a  speech  in  which  I  embodied  all  my 

139 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
both  the  Right  and  Left  sides  unite  in  approbation  of  it, 
though  something  in  it  displeased  the  Lameths.  Barnave 
and  Duport  asked  for  an  adjournment;  they  suspected  all 
sorts  of  aristocratical  snares  in  this  proposal,  in  spite  of  its 
being  hallowed  by  the  name  of  Rousseau,  and  their  side 
was  so  certain  of  a  docile  majority  in  the  Assembly  that 
the  keenest  admirers  of  the  plan  became  cool  towards  it, 
and  the  adjournment  was  agreed  to.  This  was  again  an 
occasion  in  which  I  regretted  that  Mirabeau  only  seized 
the  surface  of  things,  and  never  entered  into  the  depths  of 
a  question,  and  had  so  little  talent  for  parliamentary  debate. 
He  could  not  reply  to  Barnave,  as  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
question  beyond  what  was  in  his  speech,  and  he  did  not 
even  remember  enough  of  the  arguments  in  that  to  repro- 
duce them  in  an  answer.  The  affair  therefore  came  to 
nothing,  but  it  had  interested  all  thoughtful  minds.  Mallouet 
had  taken  up  its  defence,  Roederer  had  estimated  the  number 
of  eligible  candidates  already  existing  in  France,  besides 
those  sitting  in  the  municipalities  and  the  departments;  it 
was  enormous.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  answering  Barnave  in 
the  "  Courrier  de  Provence,"  and  I  never  wrote  anything 
with  greater  pleasure.  I  refuted  him  completely,  and  all 
the  more  thoughtful  members  of  the  Assembly  were  con- 
vinced of  the  utility  of  the  measure,  and  made  Mirabeau 
promise  to  bring  it  forward  on  some  more  favourable  oppor- 
tunity. But  as  it  could  only  be  adopted  after  a  certain 
number  of  years  so  as  to  be  fair  to  all  the  aspiring  members 

140 


LIFE  IN  THE  CHAUSEE-D'ANTIN 

who  wished  to  stand  at  the  approaching  elections,  its  urgency 
was  not  great.  It  would,  therefore,  not  have  been  of  any 
use  if  it  had  been  included  in  the  Constitution.  A  few  of 
my  English  friends  had,  after  reading  Mirabeau's  speech 
on  this  graduated  system,  found  fault  with  it  as  being  a 
useless  restraint  on  the  elections,  but  they  changed  their 
opinions  after  they  read  the  answer  I  wrote  in  the  "Courrier 
de  Provence"  to  Barnave's  objections.  The  motion  had  one 
fault,  but  it  was  a  fatal  one,  this  was  that  the  measure  was 
to  be  postponed  for  ten  years ;  this  had  been  settled  in  order 
that  a  sufficient  number  of  candidates  should  have  time  to 
pass  through  the  subordinate  offices.  Instead  of  this  they 
ought  to  have  at  once  put  a  limit  on  the  number  of  those 
eligible  to  stand,  so  that  for  the  next  Assembly  only  those 
members  who  had  already  served  on  the  first  one,  or  citizens 
who  had  been  employed  in  the  municipalities  and  depart- 
ments could  have  been  elected. 

If  this  precaution  had  been  taken  the  second  Assembly 
would  have  been  composed  of  men  all  interested  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  Constitution. 


141 


CHAPTER  XIII 

MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

LEFT  Paris  the  beginning  of  March. 
Several  reasons  decided  me  to  take  this 
step ;  the  relations  between  Mirabeau  and 
Duroverai  had  become  very  stormy,  owing 
to  the  quarrels  which  had  arisen  through 
the  dishonesty  of  Madame  le  Jay  in  connection  with  the 
"  Courrier  de  Provence,"  of  which  she  took  all  the  profits 
I  was  much  disappointed  in  my  hopes  for  the  regeneration 
and  future  welfare  of  the  country  and  people,  not  that  I  did 
not  believe  that  the  National  Assembly  might  still  establish 
a  constitution,  but  I  had  watched  its  proceedings  too  closely, 
the  charm  had  vanished,  my  curiosity  was  satisfied,  and  I 
had  no  illusions  left.  Duroverai  left  too  much  of  the  work 
to  me,  I  was  weary  of  it,  particularly  when  it  consisted  of 
disputes  about  money  and  intrigues  connected  with  the 
bookshop.  Mirabeau,  to  whom  I  was  still  personally  at- 
tached, and  whose  charm  lay  in  his  genius,  his  influence, 
and  his  engaging  and  affectionate  manners  towards  me,  no 
longer  inspired  me  with  the  same  feelings  of  respect  since 
I  had  known  him  more  intimately.  He  had  good  intentions 
in  general,  but  was  carried  away  by  his  passions ;  he  was 

142 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

attached  to  the  King,  and  wished  to  serve  the  cause  of 
monarchy  whenever  it  was  in  danger  of  being  attacked  by 
the  Jacobins,  but  his  motives  were  not  pure,  and  his 
ostentatious  surroundings,  which  were  provided  for  from  a 
very  doubtful  source,  gradually  made  me  withdraw  from  his 
house  and  company.  What  finally  decided  me  on  this 
step  was  that  in  several  publications  my  name  had  been 
associated  with  his;  Pelletier's  pamphlet,  entitled  "  Domine 
salvum  fac  regem,"  was  the  first  in  which  it  thus  appeared. 
In  it  Mirabeau  was  despoiled  of  his  literary  reputation,  the 
addresses  were  attributed  to  Duroverai,  and  the  "  Courrier 
de  Provence"  to  me.  Descriptions  of  us  appeared  in  numer- 
ous libellous  publications.  I  had  some  satisfaction  in  the 
recognition  of  my  work  by  a  small  society,  but  I  felt  great 
disgust  at  being  given  this  publicity.  There  was  nothing 
to  be  proud  of  in  achieving  a  reputation  as  a  working  sub- 
ordinate ;  my  feelings  were  offended  at  the  supposition  that 
I  had  influential  intimacy  with  a  man  whose  reputation  was 
not  above  reproach.  Instead  of  giving  me  the  credit  for  the 
good  1  had  been  able  to  accomplish,  and  for  the  harm  I  had 
tried  to  prevent,  it  was  natural  to  attribute  to  me  the  very 
excesses  that  I  had  been  the  first  to  condemn.  I  noticed 
some  most  estimable  people  becoming  distant  in  their 
manner  towards  me  in  consequence  of  the  contempt  they 
felt  for  Mirabeau.  I  had  always  kept  up  my  intimacy  with 
my  earliest  acquaintances  in  Paris,  and  I  was  grieved  to  see 
that  party  spirit  had  alienated  me  from  some  of  them.  My 
friends  in  London  wrote  to  me  to  advise  me  to  return, 

143 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

because  my  association  with  Mirabeau  made  me  danger- 
ously notorious  owing  to  the  prejudice  which  began  to  be 
felt  against  the  revolutionary  party.  I  left,  therefore,  and  all 
the  little  suspicious  remarks,  the  little  suggestive  questions 
which  were  circulated  among  the  circle  of  my  acquaintance 
vanished  at  my  return. 

I  will  here  say  a  few  words  about  people  with  whom  I 
was  more  or  less  acquainted,  as  a  memorandum  for  myself 
which  may  help  me,  later  on,  to  recollect  interesting  facts, 
for  one  often  accidentally  finds  things  one  has  lost  whilst 
searching  for  others. 

I  often  dined  with  Barrere  de  Vieuzac ;  we  met  at  a 
table-d'hdte  at  Versailles  which  was  frequented  by  several 
deputies.  I  thought  him  amiable  and  gentle ;  he  had  good 
manners,  and  he  seemed  only  to  be  a  revolutionist  from 
sentiments  of  benevolence.  I  am  convinced  that  his  associa- 
tion with  Robespierre,  and  with  others  whom  he  in  turn 
flattered  and  deserted,  was  not  the  result  of  a  bad  nature, 
but  arose  from  his  timidity  and  weak  versatility,  and  also 
from  vanity,  which  made  him  wish  to  play  a  great  role.  His 
talents,  which  were  solely  oratorical,  were  mediocre;  there 
were  fifty  others  in  the  Assembly  who  were  superior  to 
him.  He  has  been  called  the  "  Anacreon  of  the  guillotine," 
but  when  I  knew  him  he  was  only  the  Anacreon  of  the 
revolution,  on  which  he  wrote  pretty  little  lovers'  phrases 
which  appeared  in  his  paper,  the  "  Point  du  Jour." 

Barnave  lodged  in  a  house  in  Versailles  in  which  we 
occupied  the  ground  floor  after  we  left  the  Hotel  Charost. 

144 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

I  could  never  have  been  intimate  with  him,  even  if  he  had 
not  belonged  to  the  Lameth  faction,  Mirabeau's  enemies. 
He  was  proud  and  irritable,  had  a  jealous  and  choleric 
temper,  and  was  conceited  to  a  revolting  degree;  but  after 
a  little  practice  he  showed  much  ability  in  debate,  though 
at  first  he  was  tiresomely  prolix.  He  was  a  man  whose 
character  ripened  and  developed  rapidly.  His  jealousy  of 
his  brother  deputy,  Mounier,  was  as  much  a  cause  of  their 
separation  as  were  his  revolutionary  principles.  Mirabeau 
said  of  him,  "  He  is  a  tree  that  only  grows  in  order  some 
day  to  become  a  ship's  mast." 

I  also  saw  Potion  very  often,  never  guessing  the  part  he 
was  to  play  later  on.  He  had  the  corpulence  of  an  indolent 
man  and  an  appearance  of  respectability,  but  he  was  vain 
and  thought  himself  a  great  orator,  because,  like  Barnave, 
he  spoke  extempore,  but  his  speeches  showed  no  talent  nor 
powers  of  thought  or  expression. 

I  knew  Target  the  preceding  year,  but  he  became  so 
important  after  his  election  to  the  Assembly  that  I  was  too 
insignificant  a  person  for  him  even  to  perceive;  so,  after 
having  borne  his  bombastic  airs  once  or  twice,  I  gave  up 
going  to  his  house.  It  was  said  of  him  that  he  was  drowned 
in  his  talents  and  choked  by  his  bombast.  I  took  a  slight 
revenge  for  his  contempt  of  me  by  making  a  few  humorous 
remarks  in  Mirabeau's  paper,  but  it  required  more  than 
this  to  prick  the  eloquence  of  this  windbag. 

I  often  dined  at  Versailles  with  Mallouet,  but  we  did  not 
see  him  when  we  went  to  Paris,  as  he  was  carried  off  into 

145  L 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

another  vortex.  He  impressed  me  as  an  amiable  man  of 
quiet  manners  and  moderate  sentiments.  He  was  awkward 
in  the  Assembly,  of  which  he  had  not  caught  the  tone;  his 
remarks  were  never  to  the  point ;  he  often  stumbled  on  a 
word  that  was  most  offensive  to  the  Assembly,  and  lost 
control  of  himself  over  a  trifle,  but  he  had  intellect,  strength 
of  character  and  also  experience.  His  book  on  the  exporta- 
/tion  of  negroes  was  not  in  his  favour. 

Volney,  a  large,  dull,  bilious  man,  showered  fulsome  flat- 
tery on  Mirabeau.  He  had  the  dry  humour  of  exaggeration, 
but  he  was  not  a  working  member  of  the  Assembly.  One 
day  it  was  proposed  to  impose  silence  on  the  occupants  of 
the  galleries:  "Why  should  we  do  that?"  he  said,  "those 
who  sit  there  are  our  masters,  we  are  only  their  workmen ; 
they  have  the  right  to  censure  or  applaud  us  as  they  like." 

I  had  only  two  conversations  with  Robespierre:  he  had 
a  sinister  appearance  and  never  looked  anyone  in  the  face ; 
he  had  a  nervous  twitch  in  his  eyes  that  was  continuous 
and  painful.  Once  when  there  was  a  question  relating  to 
Genevese  affairs,  he  asked  me  for  some  explanations,  and 
I  pressed  him  to  speak  on  the  subject.  He  told  me  that  he 
was  as  shy  as  a  child,  that  he  always  shook  with  fear  on 
approaching  the  Tribune,  and  that  he  was  hardly  conscious 
of  his  surroundings  when  he  began  to  speak. 

I  sometimes  saw  the  Abbe  Morellet,  who  was  already 
violently  opposed  to  the  Assembly;  he  would,  however, 
have  forgiven  its  democracy  if  it  had  respected,  not  so  much 
the  Church  itself,  which  he  had  never  held  to  be  of  any 

146 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

account,  but  the  property  of  the  Church,  his  share  of  which 
had  reached  him  too  late  and  which  it  was  hard  for  him  to 
lose  so  soon.  As  he  had  been  one  of  the  first  promoters  of 
the  cause  of  liberty,  he  was  told  by  Lord  Lansdowne  that 
he  ought  to  look  upon  himself  as  a  wounded  soldier  in  a 
victorious  army.  But  the  victory,  if  it  was  one,  did  not 
console  him  for  his  loss.  At  his  house  I  met  Marmontel, 
who  spoke  of  the  philosophers  and  what  they  did  to  destroy 
the  prejudices  and  errors  into  which  their  exaggerated  ideas 
led  them.  All  they  hoped  for  was  very  different  from 
what  was  accomplished.  Marmontel,  who  was  one  of  the 
discontented  number,  saicl:  "The  National  Assembly  re- 
minds me  of  what  was  said  by  Madame  de  Se"  vigne" :  '  I  should 
admire  Provence  very  much  if  there  were  no  Provengaux.'" 

I  sometimes  saw  M.  Necker,  but  always  officially  and  in 
reference  to  our  Genevese  affairs.  I  even  had  a  correspond- 
ence with  him,  and  I  have  some  anecdotes  on  this  subject 
which  I  will  return  to  later. 

Champfort  was  often  with  Mirabeau ;  he  sometimes 
helped  him  with  his  literary  work,  but  he  always  infected 
him  with  his  own  violence  and  spite.  We  remarked  that, 
after  seeing  Champfort,  he  became  more  exaggerated  and 
bitter.  Champfort,  not  being  able  to  overturn  the  state,  wrote 
a  speech  for  Mirabeau  against  all  academies  and  the  French 
Academy  in  particular.  It  had  become  the  object  of  his 
satires ;  to  attain  only  to  despise  was  a  refinement  01  scorn.1 

1  His  eloges  of  Moliere  and  Fontenelle  procured  him  prizes  from  the 
French  Academy. 

147 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Towards  the  end  of  1790,  I  went  to  stay  for  six  months 
in  Geneva  to  see  my  mother  and  sisters  who  had  returned 
to  their  native  land.  On  my  way,  I  stayed  three  weeks  in 
Paris.  I  travelled  with  Achille  Duchatelet,  whose  acquaint- 
ance I  had  made  in  London ;  he  had  served  in  America,  and 
there  embraced  republican  ideas:  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
French  Revolution,  he  adopted  the  popular  side,  and  his 
convictions  were  much  strengthened  by  his  intimacy  with 
Condorcet.  His  ambition  was  solely  a  military  one ;  his 
character  appeared  to  me  to  be  frank,  loyal  and  generous ; 
he  was  well  informed,  and  had  much  readiness  and  good 
taste.  He  was  one  of  the  most  amiable  men  I  ever  met,  but 
he  had  the  lightness  and  impetuosity  of  a  young  Frenchman 
who  had  received  a  fashionable  education  and  whose  birth 
dispensed  with  the  necessity  of  knowing  too  much;  if  his 
character  had  been  formed  in  England,  he  would  have  had 
more  power  and  depth  of  thought,  but  his  good  qualities 
were  his  own  and  his  frivolous  ones  resulted  from  the  school 
in  which  he  was  brought  up.  He  found  England  a  more 
moral  country  than  his  own,  and  he  was  struck  by  it,  and  in 
finding  there  a  less  superstitious  religion  he  was  converted 
from  the  prejudices  he  had  formerly  held  against  every  form 
of  religion.  We  had  several  serious  conversations  on  this 
subject,  and  my  principles,  graver  than  his  own,  served  to 
strengthen  our  new  friendship.  He  was  a  great  admirer  of 
Mirabeau,  who  was  often  the  subject  of  our  conversation  as 
he  then  was  of  the  whole  of  France  as  well  as  of  Europe, 
for  he  was  the  leading  character  in  the  Assembly  and 

148 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

dominated  everything.  Strangers  always  looked  for  him 
first,  they  were  delighted  if  they  heard  him  speak,  and  his 
most  ordinary  remarks  were  converted  into  apothegms.  We 
even  found  that  the  postilions  had  a  curious  way  of  ex- 
pressing their  admiration  for  him  ;  "  You  have  very  bad 
horses,"  we  said  to  a  postboy  between  Calais  and  Amiens. 
— "  Yes,"  he  said,  "  the  two  in  the  shafts  are  bad,  but  my 
'  mirabeau '  is  a  good  one."  This  was  the  third  horse,  which 
was  in  the  middle  and  which  was  commonly  called  the 
"  mirabeau  ";  it  was  the  one  that  did  most  of  the  work,  and 
as  long  as  the  "  mirabeau  "  was  good,  they  did  not  trouble 
about  the  others.  Duchatelet  was  aware  of  the  fact  that  at 
Paris  I  passed  as  the  author  of  several  of  the  great  man's 
speeches:  he  sounded  me  discreetly  as  to  this,  but  I  said 
nothing  to  confirm  his  suspicions.  Trying  to  extract  some 
information  from  me,  he  said:  "  He  must  be  the  author  of 
his  written  speeches,  for  they  are  exactly  the  same  as  his 
spoken  ones;  they  have  the  same  style, the  same  principles; 
I  suppose  he  gets  the  materials  for  them  provided  by  other 
people,  but  he  must  put  them  together  himself.  You,  who 
know  him  so  well,  what  do  you  think  about  it?"  "  I  think," 
I  said,  "  that  people  are  pleased  to  belittle  the  reputation 
of  a  celebrated  man.  There  is  nothing  so  easy  as  to  make 
these  imputations,  and  nothing  so  difficult  as  to  refute 
them.  But  what  does  it  matter,  supposing  he  does  make 
his  friends  help  him?  If  he  knows  how  to  make  them  pro- 
duce what  they  never  could  do  without  his  instigation,  he 
is  in  reality  the  author  of  them.  This  sort  of  talent  is  not 

149 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

possessed  by  everyone ;  why  should  he  be  the  only  man  who 
knows  how  to  utilize  the  talents  of  others?  Why  should 
not  other  people  use  the  same  resources? "  It  was  thus  that 
I  eluded  his  questions  without  in  any  way  deceiving  him. 
But  it  was  Mirabeau  himself  who  revealed  the  secret  as  to 
our  relations,  by  his  usual  indiscretion.  As  soon  as  I  saw 
him  again,  he  took  me  into  his  confidence.  Not  only  was 
he  still  maintaining  his  reputation,  but  he  had  become  more 
powerful  in  the  Assembly;  he  had  not  precisely  a  party  of 
his  own,  but  he  had  great  influence  over  both  parties,  and 
they  had  to  reckon  with  him  as  with  a  superior  power. 
The  Jacobin  cavillers  who  then  formed  a  party  in  the  state 
and  almost  rivalled  the  Assembly  itself,  although  they  were 
alternatively  governed  by  the  Lameths,  Robespierre  and 
Potion,  almost  always  allowed  themselves  to  be  persuaded 
by  Mirabeau  whenever  he  condescended  to  speak  from  their 
tribune;  but  he  did  this  rarely  and  he  was  as  contemptuous 
as  he  was  jealous  of  this  dangerous  faction. 

He  told  me  that  he  had  seen  the  Queen,  had  given  her 
advice,  and  that  he  was  full  of  hope  that  his  relations  with 
the  Court  would  have  good  results.  He  thought  the  Royal 
Family  felt  the  necessity  of  attaching  themselves  to  him, 
and  he  hoped  he  might  persuade  them  to  listen  no  longer 
to  the  imprudent  counsels  of  the  emigrants  and  foreign 
princes. 

He  had  to  report,  at  this  time,  in  the  name  of  the  diplo- 
matic committee,  on  the  relative  dispositions  of  foreign 
powers  towards  France.  This  matter  greatly  interested  the 

150 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

Court.  In  other  hands  this  report  might  become  a  firebrand 
with  which  to  kindle  a  war,  in  any  case  it  would  be  likely 
to  excite  distrust;  but  he  wished  to  make  it  a  means  of 
conciliation,  and  hoped  by  means  of  it  to  allay  the  alarming 
rumours  spread  by  the  Jacobins  against  the  Houses  of  Spain 
and  Austria;  and  he  concluded  by  bidding  the  executive 
power  take  necessary  precautions  to  ensure  the  safety  of 
the  kingdom.  He  begged  me  to  compose  the  part  of  this 
report  which  related  to  England,  and  not  to  forget  anything 
that  might  tend  to  the  union  of  the  two  powers,  also  to 
attack  vehemently  Burke's  book  against  the  Revolution, 
because  he  wished  to  give  a  democratic  colour  to  his  dis- 
course in  order  to  ensure  the  success  of  its  conclusions  with 
the  governing  power.  I  very  willingly  took  charge  of  this 
part  of  the  work,  as  nothing  was  more  agreeable  to  me  than 
to  profit  by  such  a  good  occasion  for  combating  the  preju- 
dices that  had  been  formed  against  England,  and  for  main- 
taining a  good  feeling  between  the  two  nations.  I  had 
found  so  many  exaggerations  in  Burke's  book,  that  I  had 
no  scruples  in  making  it  appear  as  a  mere  declamation  ex- 
pressing nothing  resembling  the  sentiments  of  the  English. 
I  wrote  two  or  three  pages  in  this  sense,  and  the  next  day, 
when  the  statement  was  to  be  presented,  Mirabeau  came 
to  fetch  me,  and  not  being  able  to  contain  his  impatience, 
he  read  the  whole  speech  to  us,  except  the  part  relating  to 
England,  which  I  had  not  given  him.  Duchatelet  and  I 
went  to  the  Assembly  together.  The  speech  was  very  well 
received,  especially  the  part  relating  to  Burke  and  England 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

because  everyone  was  sincerely  anxious  to  be  at  peace  with 
Great  Britain,  and  they  coveted  the  good  opinion  of  the 
English.  Duchatelet  said  nothing  to  me,  but  in  the  evening 
he  said  to  Madame  Condorcet  before  me,  "  This  man  is  one 
of  those  who  prefers  to  hide  what  he  does,  rather  than  to 
boast  of  what  he  does  not  accomplish." 

On  being  introduced  into  society,  I  at  once  received  a 
welcome  such  as  the  French  alone  can  give.  The  reserve 
which  I  had  observed  with  Duchatelet  had  the  reward 
which  modesty  always  produces  by  the  hundredfold,  and  he 
attributed  much  more  to  me  than  I  ever  did  or  could  pos- 
sibly do.  During  these  weeks,  I  lived  in  a  constant  vortex  ; 
I  dined  several  times  with  Mirabeau,  whose  way  of  living 
was  more  brilliant  than  ever,  and  whose  house  had  been  re- 
decorated. He  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  riches  to  which 
he  had  not  been  accustomed,  and  which  he  did  not  use  with 
discretion.  After  dinner,  I  was  surprised  to  see  him  display 
a  casket  containing  many  precious  stones;  this  was  pro- 
claiming himself  on  the  Civil  List,  and  I  was  surprised  that 
his  popularity  suffered  no  harm  from  it.  He  had  bought  a 
part  of  Buffon's  library,  which,  though  not  a  numerous 
collection,  was  very  valuable  and  rare.  His  table  was 
splendid,  and  his  guests  numerous.  The  house  was  full 
from  an  early  hour ;  there  was  a  continual  levee  from  seven 
in  the  morning  to  the  time  when  he  went  to  the  Assembly ; 
there  was  often  a  crowd  waiting  at  the  door  for  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  him  pass  out.  Though  titles  had  been  abolished, 
his  had  always  continued ;  he  was  still  the  "  Comte  de " 

152 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

Mirabeau  not  only  to  his  servants  and  visitors,  but  to  the 
people,  who  love  to  adorn  their  idols.  Astonished  with  all 
this  display,  I  said  one  day  to  Claviere, "  Mirabeau  is  badly 
advised ;  one  would  think  he  was  afraid  of  passing  for  an 
honest  man."  "  He  is  necessary  to  us,"  he  answered ;  "  he 
alone  is  feared  by  both  the  Jacobins  and  the  Court,  and 
supposing  he  cost  the  nation  a  million  of  money,  he  would 
be  well  worth  it." 

If  I  had  liked  I  could  have  discovered  many  of  his 
secrets,  intrigues  and  intentions,  for  he  was  disposed  to  be 
very  open  with  me,  but  I  did  not  wish  to  play  the  part 
either  of  censor  or  of  flatterer.  He  knew  well  what  was 
passing  in  my  mind,  and  tried  to  convince  me  in  twenty 
different  ways  that  his  sole  object  was,  if  possible,  to  save 
the  monarchy;  that  for  this  purpose  he  must  have  means; 
that  a  petty  morality  was  the  enemy  of  a  wider  one ;  that 
disinterested  services  were  rare;  that  heretofore  the  Court 
had  wasted  money  without  sense  or  results,  and  that  it  had 
only  bought  traitors. 

I  recollect  a  scandalous  story  about  the  Abb6  Lamoureth, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  Lyons.  It  was  at  a  dinner  party, 
where  were  assembled  Garat,  Volney,  Cabanis,  Palissot  and 
several  others.  Lamoureth  was  the  author  of  Mirabeau's 
speeches  on  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy,  and 
Mirabeau  appeared  to  me  not  to  have  the  same  opinions 
in  private  that  he  had  advanced  in  public;  for  he  wished 
to  have  a  catholic  clergy,  though  he  did  not  wish  them  to 
be  powerful  or  exclusive.  Palissot  spoke  of  the  Abbe 

153 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Gregoire,  who  appeared  very  zealous  in  the  cause  of  his 
religion,  and  who,  with  the  intolerance  customary  to  his 
kind,  accused  Mirabeau  of  being  a  charlatan  and  an  im- 
postor. "  As  for  that,"  said  Lamoureth,  "  I  have  taught 
him  theology,  and  can  assure  you  he  believes  in  God  a 
hundred  times  more  than  is  necessary." 

"  Take  care,"  said  Mirabeau,  "  there  is  a  Genevese  here 
whom  you  will  shock,  for  he  believes  in  God  from  the  depths 
of  his  heart" 

"So  do  I,"  said  Lamoureth:  "  I  should  be  very  sorry  if 
he  misunderstands  me." 

After  dinner,  I  opened  a  new  book  which  was  lying  on 
the  table,  and  the  title  attracted  my  attention;  it  was 
"  Meditations  of  the  Soul  with  its  God,"  by  the  Abbe 
Lamoureth,  Professor  of  Theology,  etc. 

Mirabeau  was  not  satisfied  with  the  part  he  took  in  the 
Clergy  Question.  M.  Bertrand  in  his  annals,  ascribes  very 
profound  views  on  the  subject  to  him;  he  thought  that  in 
the  plan  Mirabeau  drew  up  it  was  necessary  that  the  Clergy 
should  be  opposed  to  the  Assembly  in  order  to  give  the 
King  fresh  allies.  This,  I  think,  is  too  subtle;  I  should 
rather  suppose  that  he  gave  way  in  the  matter  to  the  opinion 
of  the  Revolutionists,  though  he  did  not  confound  their 
opinions  with  those  of  France  in  general. 

During  the  last  week  that  I  was  in  Paris,  I  saw  Mirabeau 
in  a  new  role,  and  one  that  he  appeared  to  despise,  more 
from  jealousy,  however,  than  from  indifference.  He  was 
made  President  of  the  Assembly.  He  had  been  formerly 

154 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

rejected  for  this  post,  though  it  was  given  in  turn  to  all  the 
distinguished  members  and  even  to  some  who  had  no  claim 
to  that  distinction.  This  was  a  proof  that  the  Court  party 
was  beginning  to  perceive  that  it  would  be  as  well  to  treat 
him  with  consideration,  for  he  had  too  many  secret  enemies 
on  the  democratic  side  to  expect  a  majority  from  their 
votes  alone.  This  place  was  never  before  so  well  filled ;  he 
showed  in  it  fresh  talents ;  he  put  order  and  precision  into 
the  work  of  which  there  was  formerly  no  trace.  He  avoided 
all  that  was  superfluous;  with  one  word  he  would  clear  up 
a  doubtful  point  or  appease  a  tumult.  His  consideration 
for  all  sides,  the  respect  with  which  he  always  treated  the 
Assembly,  the  precision  of  his  speeches,  the  answers  to  the 
different  deputations  which  were  sometimes  prepared  and 
sometimes  improvised,  but  always  given  with  grace  and 
dignity,  satisfied  even  those  whose  requests  he  refused,  or 
to  whom  he  was  opposed.  In  short,  his  activity,  his  im- 
partiality and  his  presence  of  mind  added  to  his  reputation 
and  his  brilliancy  in  a  position  which  was  the  rock  on  which 
most  of  his  predecessors  had  suffered  shipwreck. 

He  had  the  art  of  always  playing  the  principal  role,  and 
general  attention  was  fixed  on  him,  though  as  he  could  no 
longer  speak  from  the  Tribune,  he  seemed  to  be  deprived 
of  his  greatest  advantage.  Some  of  his  jealous  enemies  had 
elected  him  president  in  order  to  reduce  him  to  silence, 
but  they  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  him  add  another 
feather  to  his  cap.  All  he  needed  was  good  health.  "  If," 
he  said,  "  I  believed  in  slow  poisons,  I  should  be  convinced 

155 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

that  I  was  being  murdered.  I  feel  I  am  wasting  away,  and 
that  a  slow  fire  is  consuming  me." 

I  observed,  that  his  style  of  living  would  probably,  ere 
now,  have  killed  any  man  less  robust  than  himself.  Not  a 
moment  of  repose  from  seven  in  the  morning  till  ten  or 
eleven  at  night,  continual  conversations,  agitations  both  of 
mind  and  of  body,  an  imprudent  diet,  too  good  living, 
especially  over-indulgence  in  sweet  dishes,  though  he  was 
moderate  in  the  use  of  wine.  "  It  would  require  the  constitu- 
tion of  a  salamander,"  I  said,  "  to  live  in  such  a  devouring 
furnace  without  being  consumed." 

At  this  time  he  contemplated  retiring  from  public  life, 
as  do  all  statesmen  and  ambitious  men  in  their  moments 
of  worry  and  anxiety.  He  had  ophthalmia,  caused  by  the 
heated  condition  of  his  blood ;  I  saw  him,  at  the  time  he 
was  President,  apply  leeches,  between  the  morning  and 
afternoon  sitting,  and  come  to  the  Assembly  with  his  neck 
wrapped  up  in  linen  to  staunch  the  blood.  When  we  took 
leave  of  each  other,  he  embraced  me  with  an  emotion  which 
I  never  saw  in  him  before.  "  I  shall  die  of  all  this,  my  dear 
friend,"  he  said,  "  we  shall  perhaps  never  meet  again.  When 
I  am  no  more,  my  worth  will  be  recognized.  The  misfor- 
tunes which  I  have  prevented  will  descend  on  France  from 
all  quarters ;  the  factious  criminals  who  tremble  before  me 
will  no  longer  be  held  in  check;  I  can  only  foresee  disaster ! 
Ah!  my  friend,  how  right  we  were  when  we  tried  at  the 
beginning  to  prevent  the  Commons  declaring  themselves 
the  National  Assembly.  That  was  the  origin  of  all  the 

156 


MIRABEAU'S  DEATH 

mischief;  since  they  gained  this  victory,  they  have  never 
ceased  to  show  how  unworthy  they  are  of  it.  They  wish  to 
govern  the  King  instead  of  governing  through  him,  but 
very  soon  it  will  be  neither  they  nor  he  who  rules.  A 
villainous  faction  will  get  the  better  of  both,  and  France 
will  be  full  of  horrors." 

I  did  not  then  suspect  that  these  sad  presentiments  would 
be  accomplished  in  every  particular.  I  looked  on  them  as 
the  effects  of  his  vivid  imagination.  I  did  not  feel  inclined 
to  believe  in  the  villainy  of  those  whom  he  designated  as 
the  leaders  of  the  Jacobins.  I  thought  that  his  hatred  of 
certain  individuals  carried  him  too  far  in  exaggerating  their 
faults,  a  fact  of  which  I  had  often  had  experience  before. 

Three  months  afterwards,  Mirabeau  was  no  more. 


157 


CHAPTER  XIV 

PERSONAL  TRAITS 

WAS  not  intimately  acquainted  with  the 
details  of  Mirabeau's  private  life,  and  knew 
nothing  of  his  domestic  relations  with 
either  his  parents  or  his  wife.  The  strength 
of  his  passions  from  his  youth  upwards 
may  have  justified  his  father's  harshness  to  him,  but  the 
Marquis  de  Mirabeau  was  as  violent  as  his  son,  and  never 
had  the  art  of  controlling  his  fiery  nature ;  instead  of  appeal- 
ing to  his  affections,  which  were  very  susceptible,  he  tried 
to  subdue  him  by  force,  and  this  caused  his  revolt. 

He  said  himself  that  his  family  was  like  that  of  Atreus 
and  Thyestes,  the  divisions  between  the  parents  caused  the 
formation  of  opposing  parties  amongst  the  children,  and 
accustomed  them  to  constraint  and  dissimulation.  The 
vicious  example  set  by  them  influenced  Mirabeau's  preco- 
cious nature  only  too  easily.  It  had  unfortunately  been 
depraved  by  women  long  before  his  mind  had  reached 
maturity.  His  education  easily  explained  the  secret  of  all 
the  curiously  complicated  and  contradictory  qualities  in 
his  character. 

I  have  heard  it  said  that  in  order  to  gain  his  wife  he  had 

158 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

recourse  to  methods  which  show  how  little  delicacy  of  feeling 
he  possessed.  Her  parents  had  refused  his  proposals,  and 
he  was  anxious  to  get  rid  of  a  dangerous  rival ;  he  therefore 
bribed  one  of  the  maidservants  in  the  house  to  give  him  a 
rendezvous,  and  drove  by  night  to  a  neighbouring  street  in 
order  to  give  an  air  of  mystery  to  his  proceedings;  here 
he  left  the  carriage  for  several  hours.  His  rival's  spies  soon 
brought  back  the  news  that  the  Comte  de  Mirabeau  had  a 
rendezvous  in  his  mistress's  house  and  had  stayed  there 
many  hours.  In  this  way  the  young  lady's  name  was  com- 
promised, and  the  rival  retired  defeated.  The  parents  were 
only  too  happy  to  hush  up  a  scandal  by  consenting  to  the 
marriage.  This  union,  which  began  by  a  love  founded  on 
fraud,  was  very  soon  dissolved  owing  to  reciprocal  infidel- 
ities, and  they  separated  for  ever. 

His  correspondence  with  Madame  Mounier,  written 
during  his  imprisonment  in  the  Vincennes  donjon,  shows 
more  sensuality  than  feeling;  several  of  these  letters  are 
of  such  an  offensive  nature  that  they  even  tarnish  the 
reputation  of  the  recipient  of  them,  for  no  man  would 
have  presumed  to  write  in  this  manner  to  any  woman  for 
whom  he  felt  the  smallest  esteem. 

Garat  made  a  study  of  these  letters,  and  read  his  dis- 
coveries on  the  subject  to  us  at  M.  de  Talleyrand's  house. 
It  was  a  revelation  of  pillage  and  plagiarism.  The  lover, 
writing  to  his  mistress,  had  copied  entire  pages  out  of  con- 
temporaneous writings. 

"  Listen  to  me,  my  Love,  I  am  about  to  pour  the  deepest 

159 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

recesses  of  my  heart  into  yours,"  etc.  These  inmost  con- 
fidential feelings  were  transcribed  word  for  word,  either  from 
some  article  in  the  "  Mercure  de  France,"  or  from  the  pages 
of  the  latest  novel. 

During  this  time  of  solitude,  while  his  imagination  could 
only  feed  on  itself,  he  composed  another  erotic  book,  which 
was  merely  a  collection  of  all  that  was  most  impure  amongst 
the  authors  of  antiquity. 

One  is  astonished  to  see  that  such  a  man  as  Mirabeau 
could  emerge  from  the  mire  of  such  surroundings,  but  his 
habits  though  vicious  were  not  debauched ;  he  needed  affec- 
tion and  tenderness.  He  told  me  once  that  he  could  never 
see  the  wretched  victims  of  public  vice  without  horror  and 
mortification.  He  did  not  look  on  this  as  a  merit,  for  he 
believed  his  guilt  against  society  was  greater  than  theirs. 
He  was  a  man  who  inspired  passion  as  strongly  as  he  ex- 
perienced it.  In  Holland  he  had  attached  himself  to  a  charm- 
ing lady  who  belonged  to  a  respectable  family,  and  who 
united  herself  to  him  as  the  result  of  a  passion  which  carried 
her  beyond  all  other  considerations.  She  had  never  been 
married,  was  young,  beautiful,  and  full  of  modesty  and 
charm.  She  would  have  adorned  a  virtuous  life  and  deserved 
every  mark  of  affection ;  those  who  knew  her  well  never  for- 
gave Mirabeau  for  having  sacrificed  this  interesting  woman 
for  a  vixen  who  took  a  pride  in  vice,  and  boasted  of  her 
immorality.  But  Madame  le  Jay  was  artificial,  intriguing, 
and  wicked,  she  was  a  flatterer  and  passionate;  she  took  ad- 
vantage of  her  power  over  Mirabeau  to  increase  his  natural 

1 60 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

violence  in  order  to  serve  her  own  ends.  His  friends  were 
ashamed  to  see  him  under  the  influence  of  such  a  woman, 
whose  bad  character  was  not  redeemed  byany  good  qualities. 
Mirabeau  was  conscious  of  his  own  power,  and  this  sustained 
him  in  situations  which  would  most  likely  have  degraded 
any  other  character. 

His  mind  loved  all  that  was  noble,  he  thirsted  for  truth. 
He  had  naturally  a  good  style  which  he  cultivated  by  study- 
ing classical  authors  in  several  languages.  He  did  not  know 
much,  but  what  he  knew  was  always  at  his  fingers'  ends.  In 
the  vortex  of  his  stormy  life  he  had  no  time  for  study,  but 
while  he  was  imprisoned  at  Vincennes  he  read  widely,  also 
practised  translating  and  made  a  collection  of  extracts  and 
passages  from  celebrated  authors. 

His  attainments  were  hardly  equal  to  those  of  the  ordinary 
man  of  letters,  and  he  made  no  boast  of  his  knowledge,  but 
what  was  peculiar  to  him  was,  that  he  possessed  a  fervent 
and  eager  nature  which  when  he  was  moved  animated  his 
whole  countenance.  Nothing  was  easier  than  to  excite  his 
imagination  and  emotion.  From  youth  upwards  he  was 
accustomed  to  interest  himself  in  all  important  questions 
relating  to  government  and  politics,  but  he  was  never  able 
to  enter  profoundly  into  them ;  the  art  of  discussion,  of  ex- 
amination, of  questioning  was  not  his,  there  was  too  much 
heat  and  haste  in  his  disposition  for  it  to  be  possible  for  him 
to  apply  himself  assiduously  or  methodically  to  any  subject. 
His  intellect  moved  by  leaps  and  bounds,  it  was  a  vigorous 
and  impetuous  torrent.  He  abounded  in  salient  expressions, 

161  M 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

he  even  made  a  study  of  them.  He  was  destined  to  be  the 
chief  ornament  of  the  Assembly  at  the  precise  moment  when 
audacity  and  strength  were  the  qualities  most  needed. 

If  he  is  considered  as  an  author,  it  must  be  conceded  that 
his  works  without  exception  are  pieces  of  patchwork,  in 
which  very  little  of  his  own  writings  remain  after  his  col- 
laborators' work  is  removed.  But  he  had  the  quality  of  giving 
life  to  their  efforts,  of  throwing  into  them  vivid  touches, 
original  expressions  and  fiery  and  eloquent  apostrophes. 
He  had  the  ability,  which  is  a  rare  one,  of  discovering  the 
hidden  talents  of  others.  He  gave  to  each  of  his  subordinates 
the  incitement  which  they  most  needed,  he  inspired  them 
with  his  own  zeal  and  made  them  eager  to  co-operate  in  a 
work  of  which  he  alone  reaped  the  credit.  He  felt  it  quite 
impossible  to  write  consecutively  unless  he  was  helped  and 
guided  by  borrowed  notes  on  the  subject  His  style  was  too 
exaggerated  and  very  soon  degenerated  into  bombast,  and 
he  became  disgusted  with  the  chaos  and  incoherence  of  his 
ideas.  But  when  he  had  a  foundation  to  work  on  he  knew 
how  to  bring  it  all  together,  how  to  curtail  it,  and  how  to 
inspire  it  with  life  and  eloquence.  This  is  what  he  called 
putting  the  distinctive  touch,  or  trait.  This  trait  was  a 
singular  expression  of  his;  it  might  be  an  image  of  thought, 
a  witticism,  an  epigram,  an  irony,  an  allusion,  anything  in 
fact  telling  or  original  which  he  thought  absolutely  necessary 
to  sustain  the  reader's  interest.  This  mania  for  originality 
is  a  very  dangerous  one  and  may  easily  convert  a  good  style 
into  a  decadent  and  affected  one. 

162 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

As  a  political  orator  Mirabeau's  talents  in  some  particulars 
were  of  the  first  order:  he  saw  everything  at  a  glance,  pos- 
sessed tact  and  the  art  of  at  once  taking  in  the  real  feeling 
of  the  Assembly,  and  of  using  its  whole  strength  in  resist- 
ance without  wasting  it  on  unimportant  details.  No  one 
ever  created  a  greater  effect  with  fewer  words,  no  one  ever 
came  to  the  point  with  greater  precision  or  was  so  success- 
ful in  guiding  public  opinion  either  by  some  happy  remark 
or  by  some  palpable  hit  which  got  the  better  of  his  oppo- 
nents. 

While  standing  at  the  Tribune  he  was  always  calm; 
storms  might  rage  round  him,  he  remained  unmoved  and 
self-possessed.  I  remember  hearing  him  read  a  report  on 
the  condition  of  Marseilles ;  every  word  was  interrupted  by 
insults  from  the  right  side.  All  round  he  heard  the  words 
"  Calumniator,"  "  Liar,"  "  Assassin,"  "  Villain,"  and  such  like 
gutter  expressions.  He  stopped  speaking  and  turning  to 
the  most  violent  of  the  rioters  said  in  the  sweetest  tones: 
"  I  am  waiting,  gentlemen,  till  you  have  exhausted  your 
amenities,"  and  then  he  continued  as  quietly  as  if  he  had 
received  the  most  favourable  attention. 

He  was  never  provoked  beyond  the  point  of  observing 
the  decorum  of  oratory,  but  he  lacked  as  a  political  orator 
the  power  of  argument ;  he  could  not  follow  a  consecutive 
course  of  reasoning  to  its  conclusion,  he  did  not  under- 
stand how  to  refute  arguments  methodically,  and  was 
often  reduced  to  abandoning  his  most  important  motions 
after  having  delivered  his  introductory  speech,  and  in 

163 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

spite  of  a  brilliant  entrance  into  action  he  often  left  the 
field  to  his  adversaries.  This  fault  arose  from  the  quick- 
ness of  his  perceptions  and  his  lack  of  reflection ;  he 
never  took  the  trouble  to  foresee  objections  nor  to  discuss 
details.  In  this  respect  he  was  very  inferior  to  the  giants  of 
the  English  parliament.  Fox's  greatest  triumphs,  for  in- 
stance, were  in  his  refutations.  He  used  to  take  all  the 
opinions  contrary  to  his  own  and  mould  them  into  a  new 
and  more  favorable  light  so  as  to  give  them  greater  force 
than  they  had  before,  thus  placing  himself  in  a  more  diffi- 
cult position,  and  then  he  would  set  to  and  pulverise  them 
one  after  another,  and  he  never  showed  to  greater  advantage 
than  when  he  was  supposed  to  be  vanquished.  The  only 
members  of  the  National  Assembly  who  had  this  talent  for 
argument  were  Maury,  Clermont-Tonnerre,  Barnave  and 
Thouret.  Barnave  in  particular  was  well  provided  with  logic 
and  could  follow  step  by  step  the  reasonings  of  his  antagon- 
ist, but  he  had  no  imaginative  powers  either  of  eloquence  or 
of  description.  One  day  a  comparison  was  made  between 
his  dull  didactic  methods  and  the  oratorical  talents  of  Mira- 
beau,  and  some  one  said :  "  How  can  you  compare  this  arti- 
ficially trained  espalier  with  a  natural  tree  growing  in  all  its 
beauty  in  the  face  of  every  wind  that  blows?"  Certainly  these 
two  men  were  not  of  the  same  stamp.  Mirabeau  recognized 
his  weak  point,  and  one  day  when  he  endeavoured  to  answer 
some  arguments  with  very  little  success,  he  said  to  us,  "  I 
see  that  to  speak  well  extempore  one  must  begin  by 
thoroughly  mastering  the  subject  beforehand." 

164 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

Mirabeau  had  a  full,  sonorous,  and  manly  voice.  It  was 
pleasant  and  satisfying  to  listen  to  and  was  always  well 
sustained,  and  yet  was  flexible,  and  he  was  heard  as  well 
when  he  lowered  his  tone  as  when  he  raised  it.  All  the 
notes  of  the  scale  were  at  his  disposal,  and  the  conclusions 
of  his  sentences  were  pronounced  with  so  much  care  that  it 
was  impossible  to  miss  a  word  of  them. 

His  ordinary  manner  of  speaking  was  rather  slow;  he 
began  with  some  little  embarrassment,  often  hesitated,  but 
in  a  way  that  was  interesting,  as  he  appeared  to  be  search- 
ing for  the  most  suitable  expression,  to  be  choosing  the 
most  appropriate  and  apposite  terms.  When  he  had  found 
them,  he  brought  the  big  bellows  of  the  forge  into  play, 
and  put  into  force  the  whole  armoury  of  his  eloquence,  but 
in  his  most  impetuous  moments  the  feeling  which  made 
him  weigh  his  words  prevented  his  being  a  rapid  speaker, 
and  he  had  the  greatest  contempt  for  the  ordinary  volu- 
bility and  false  excitability  of  the  French,  which  he  called 
"  Operatic  thunderstorms." 

He  never  forgot  the  dignity  that  should  belong  to  a 
senator,  but  at  the  beginning  of  his  career  his  principal 
defect  was  that  of  pretension  and  a  slight  affectation  of 
manner.  He  looked  round  him  in  a  boastful  way,  and  his 
contempt  often  bordered  on  insolence. 

It  was  wonderful  to  see  how  he  was  able  to  read  the  little 
pencil  notes  that  were  brought  to  him  while  he  was  in  the 
Tribune  and  at  the  same  time  proceed  with  his  speech, 
and  even  introduce  them  into  the  body  of  his  discourse 

165 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

with  apparently  the  greatest  ease.  Garat  compared  him  to 
a  conjuror  who  tears  a  piece  of  paper  into  twenty  frag- 
ments, swallows  them  before  everyone's  eyes,  and  then 
produces  them  whole  from  his  mouth. 

He  had  a  miraculous  power  of  receptivity.  A  word  that 
he  heard  casually,  a  fact  in  history,  or  an  apt  quotation 
became  at  once  his  own  property.  One  day  Barnave,  who 
was  very  proud  of  his  readiness,  had  just  made  an  extem- 
pore reply  to  a  prepared  speech.  Champfort,  who  was  at 
the  moment  speaking  to  Mirabeau  on  the  steps  of  the 
Tribune,  observed  that  facility  was  an  excellent  talent  to 
possess  as  long  as  it  was  not  used.  Mirabeau  seized  on 
this  expression  for  his  exordium,  which  began  as  follows : 
"  I  have  always  maintained  that  facility  is  one  of  Nature's 
greatest  gifts,  on  condition  of  its  never  being  employed, 
and  what  I  have  just  heard  does  not  make  me  feel  inclined 
to  change  my  opinion." 

He  considered  that  among  his  advantages  were  to  be 
counted  his  robust  and  hearty  appearance,  his  bulky  figure, 
and  his  strongly-marked  features,  which  were  deeply  pitted 
by  the  small  pox.  "  Nobody  knows,"  he  said,  "  the  power 
of  my  ugliness";  all  the  same  he  admired  his  so-called  ugli- 
ness exceedingly.  His  dress  was  carefully  attended  to. 
He  had  very  thick  hair,  which  was  artistically  arranged 
so  as  to  increase  the  size  of  his  head.  "  When,"  he  said, 
"  I  shake  my  shock  head  ('  terrible  hure'\  no  one  dares  to 
interrupt  me." 

He  took  great  pleasure  in  looking  at  himself  in   the 

166 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

glass,  squaring  his  shoulders,  and  throwing  back  his  head. 
He  had  a  fad  which  many  vain  men  possess,  of  liking  to 
hear  the  sound  of  his  own  name;  he  even  repeated  it  to 
himself,  and  amused  himself  by  imagining  dialogues  in 
which  he  always  named  himself  as  interlocutor,  "  Le  Comte 
de  Mirabeau  will  now  answer  you,"  etc. 

At  first  he  did  not  possess  the  qualities  requisite  for 
a  party  leader.  He  liked  to  shine  alone,  to  manage  every- 
thing himself,  and  did  not  sufficiently  consider  the  feelings 
of  others.  He  had  no  general  principles,  but  lived  from 
day  to  day,  and  made  himself  feared  by  the  right  side  with- 
out gaining  the  confidence  of  the  left.  He  had  no  following 
of  his  own,  though  he  liked  to  talk  about  his  "  party."  He 
was  not  a  regular  attendant  at  the  sittings  of  the  Assembly, 
and  hardly  ever  came  in  the  evening.  He  relied  so  much 
on  his  own  opinions  that  he  did  not  condescend  to  consult 
anyone  or  to  consider  their  approbation  of  any  value.  For 
a  long  time  he  was  completely  isolated,  and  did  not  under- 
stand the  preparatory  tactics  which  are  necessary  for  the 
formation  of  a  permanent  and  solid  party  in  the  Assembly. 
But  in  several  respects  he  developed  rapidly;  nobody  pro- 
fited more  than  he  did  by  experience.  Reybaz,  who  had 
written  his  speeches  on  the  "  Assignats,"  told  me  that  in 
the  last  six  months  he  had  formed  a  systematic  plan  bv 
which  he  hoped  to  organize  a  powerful  and  united  party 
in  favour  of  the  monarchy  and  against  the  Jacobins,  and 
that  in  consequence  he  had  become  the  man  of  the 
moment. 

167 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Much  has  been  said  about  his  venality.  If  one  gave  ear 
to  the  opinion  of  some,  one  might  believe  that  Mirabeau's 
talents  had  been  at  the  disposal  of  the  highest  bidder. 
"  Since  I  have  been  in  the  market,"  he  once  said,  "  I  ought 
to  have  earned  enough  money  to  purchase  a  kingdom.  I 
can't  imagine  how  it  is  I  am  so  poor,  as  all  the  monarchs 
in  the  world  are  said  to  be  at  my  disposal." 

It  is,  however,  only  too  certain  that  he  had  not  a  very 
delicate  sense  of  honour  in  money  matters,  but  he  had 
some  pride,  and  would  have  thrown  any  one  out  of  the 
window  who  dared  to  make  him  any  humiliating  proposals. 
He  was  first  "  Monsieur's  "  and  latterly  one  of  the  King's 
pensioners,  but  he  looked  on  himself  in  the  light  of  their 
business  agent,  and  accepted  their  pensions  in  order  to  rule 
them  instead  of  being  ruled  by  them.  M.  de  Narbonne 
told  me  one  day  that  he  heard  him  say,  "  A  man  of  my 
standing  might  accept  100,000  dollars,  but  you  cannot  get 
a  man  of  my  sort  for  that  sum." 

It  is  possible  that  this  boast  may  have  been  the  result 
of  vanity,  which  in  the  same  way  causes  a  ballet  girl  to 
exaggerate  the  price  that  she  places  on  her  favours. 

If  he  was  bought  by  Spain  and  England,  one  wonders 
what  became  of  the  sums  of  money  he  was  supposed  to 
have  received  from  these  countries,  and  why  did  he  die 
insolvent? 

The  expenses  of  his  establishment  were  very  large  in 
comparison  with  his  fortune,  but  he  only  kept  up  the  retinue 
of  a  man  of  moderate  riches,  and  if  he  spent  money  in  the 

168 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

King's  interests  he  cannot  be  reproached  with  cupidity,  as 
in  this  case  he  was  only  acting  as  banker  for  the  Crown. 

I  imagine  that  Mirabeau's  reputation  suffered  consider- 
ably from  the  effect  of  his  doubtful  conduct,  and  that  the 
exaggeration  of  this  was  the  penalty  he  had  to  pay  to 
public  opinion.  He  understood  only  too  well  that  if  his 
personal  character  was  respected,  the  whole  of  France 
would  be  at  his  feet,  and  at  times  he  would  have  consented 
to  pass  through  flames  of  fire  if  by  doing  so  he  could 
render  the  name  of  Mirabeau  pure  and  above  reproach.  I 
have  heard  him  exclaim  amidst  bitter  tears  of  sorrow,  "  I 
am  cruelly  expiating  the  errors  of  my  youth." 

His  vanity  exposed  him  to  much  ridicule,  which,  however, 
no  one  dared  to  show  after  he  became  celebrated.  He  was 
the  subject  of  several  comedies,  such  as  "  L'Auteur,"  "  Le 
Noble,"  "  Le  Tribun  du  Peuple,"  etc.  He  loved  to  receive 
praise  wholesale  and  retail ;  he  was  insatiable  in  this  respect, 
and  did  not  grudge  bestowing  it  on  himself.  He  gloried  in 
his  fencing  exploits,  in  his  dramatic  recitations,  in  his  press 
notices,  in  short,  in  everything  he  undertook.  One  day  I 
said  jestingly  to  him,  that  as  far  as  flattery  went,  "//  d<?- 
jeunerait  d'un  elephant  et  souperait  d'un  ciron"  l  but  this 
little  joke  of  mine  was  nearly  the  cause  of  a  serious  quarrel 
between  us. 

The  future  historian  of  the  Revolution  will  have  great 
difficulty  in  describing  Mirabeau's  public  character.  He 
was  essentially  monarchical,  and  was  opposed  to  the  great 

1  He  could  swallow  a  camel  and  would  not  strain  at  a  gnat.  (?) 

169 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

movement  by  which  the  Commons  accomplished  the  French 
Revolution,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  decree  which  destroyed 
the  three  orders  and  founded  the  National  Assembly. 
Afterwards  he  upheld  the  necessity  of  the  veto  absolu, 
because  in  his  eyes  the  King  was  an  integral  part  of  the 
legislative  power.  It  is  true  that  after  the  Royal  session  of 
the  2ist  of  June,he  was  the  first  to  maintain  the  Assembly 
against  the  King,  and  this  was  a  decisive  moment,  but  his 
action  must  be  judged  by  the  existing  circumstances,  and 
not  by  the  misfortunes  which  converted  the  overthrow  of 
the  throne  into  a  tragedy. 

At  this  period,  the  greatest  danger  came  from  the  party 
that  wished  to  dissolve  the  Assembly,  and  to  destroy  all 
hopes  of  national  liberty.  The  whole  nation  was  alarmed 
at  the  proposal,  for  which  they  were  not  prepared,  and  if 
Mirabeau's  conduct  is  to  be  critised,  that  of  France  must 
also  be  included. 

He  wished  to  give  France  a  constitution  as  like  that  of 
England  as  the  circumstances  of  the  two  countries  would 
allow;  but  it  must  be  confessed  that  his  impetuosity,  his 
desire  for  popularity,  the  weakness  of  the  Court  party,  the 
reluctance  they  showed  in  employing  him,  the  distrust  of 
M.  Necker,  and  the  dislike  of  the  King,  caused  him  to 
commit  many  errors,  and  rendered  his  political  career  a 
tortuous  and  irregular  one. 

If  he  had  lived  he  might  have  held  the  Jacobins  in  check, 
even  if  he  had  not  crushed  them,  and  it  is  probable,  that  in 
the  making  of  the  constitution  he  would  have  exerted  great 

I/O 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

influence.  He  would  have  strengthened  the  executive  power, 
and  above  all,  he  would  have  resisted  the  absurd  decree  by 
which  the  members  of  the  Assembly,  by  declaring  them- 
selves ineligible  for  election  to  the  second  legislative  body, 
abandoned  the  whole  of  their  former  work.  He  had  already 
twice  anticipated  and  prevented  this  decree  being  passed, 
which  was  proposed  first  by  the  aristocrats,  and  afterwards 
by  the  left  side. 

Mirabeau  is  the  only  man  of  whom  it  might  be  said  that 
if  he  had  lived,  the  destiny  of  France  would  have  taken  a 
different  course.  His  death  gave  courage  to  all  parties. 
Robespierre,  Potion,  and  many  others  who  were  insignifi- 
cant in  comparison  with  him,  became  at  once  of  importance. 

Mirabeau,  though  not  a  great  man,  was  at  all  events 
an  extraordinary  one:  as  an  author  he  is  not  in  the  first 
rank,  as  an  orator  he  cannot  be  compared  with  Cicero  and 
Demosthenes,  nor  with  Pitt  and  Fox ;  the  greater  part  of 
his  writings  are  already  forgotten,  and  his  speeches,  with 
the  exception  of  a  small  number,  have  now  lost  their 
interest.  But  in  considering  the  most  characteristic  traits 
of  his  genius,  I  think  they  are  to  be  found  in  his  political 
intuition,  in  the  power  he  had  of  foretelling  events,  and  in 
his  knowledge  of  human  nature.  In  this  he  was  supreme, 
and  distanced  all  the  most  distinguished  of  his  contem- 
poraries. There  were  moments  when  he  said  he  felt  he 
was  a  prophet,  and  in  truth  he  appeared  to  be  inspired  as 
to  future  events. 

He  was  not  believed,  because  he  saw  further  than  others, 

171 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  because  his  chagrin  was  often  imputed  to  wounded 
pride;  but  I  know  that  even  at  the  time  that  he  foretold 
disaster  to  the  Monarchy,  he  still  had  the  highest  belief  in 
the  future  of  the  French  nation.  In  his  "  Lettres  au  Major 
Mauvillon,"  it  is  evident  that  he  believed  it  capable  of  re- 
sisting the  whole  of  Europe,  and  this  correspondence  con- 
tains some  passages,  which  show  the  extent  of  his  survey 
of  the  political  horizon. 

In  1782  he  met,  at  Neuchatel,  our  Genevese  exiles,  and 
described  the  meeting  of  the  States  General  to  them  as  an 
event  that  could  not  help  being  a  success.  "  I  shall  be  one 
of  the  deputies,''  he  said,"  and  shall  re-create  your  country 
for  you." 

No  one  saw  as  clearly  as  he  did  what  would  be  the  sequel 
to  the  Royal  session,  nor  more  thoroughly  perceived  all  the 
points  of  view  of  the  popular  party.  I  recollect  two  speeches 
that  were  truly  prophetic,  in  which  he  depicted  all  the  con- 
sequences that  would  accrue  on  the  separation  of  the  King 
from  the  Commons.  "  You  will,"  he  said,  "  have  massacres, 
violence,  pillage,  butcheries,  but  you  will  not  even  have  the 
execrable  honour  of  a  civil  war." 

One  knows  what  his  anxieties  were  during  the  course  of 
the  cruel  illness  which  brought  his  life  so  rapidly  to  an  end. 
"  I  carry  away  with  me,"  he  said  to  the  Bishop  of  Autun, 
"  the  last  rags  of  Monarchy." 

It  was  the  same  political  insight  that  enabled  him  to 
understand  the  spirit  of  the  Assembly,  and  to  embarrass 
his  opponents,  by  revealing  their  hidden  motives,  and 

172 


PERSONAL  TRAITS 

unmasking  what  they  wished  to  conceal:  there  was  no 
political  enigma  that  he  could  not  unravel ;  he  discovered 
the  deepest  secrets,  and  his  intuition  was  of  more  value 
than  a  whole  host  of  spies  in  the  enemies'  camp.  I  used  to 
think  that  his  severe  judgements  on  others  were  the  result 
of  hatred  or  jealousy,  but  events  always  justified  him,  and 
there  was  no  man  of  mark  in  the  Assembly,  whose  conduct 
did  not  eventually  agree  with  the  idea  he  had  formed  of  his 
character. 

He  had  led  such  a  stormy  life,  had  been  so  buffeted  by 
the  waves  of  fortune,  that  in  addition  to  his  natural  gifts, 
and  to  his  powers  of  insight,  he  had  acquired  a  vast  ex- 
perience of  the  world,  of  men,  and  of  their  affairs.  He 
took  in  quickly  the  "nuances"  of  their  characters;  he  had 
even  invented  a  language  peculiar  to  himself,  to  describe 
the  results  he  arrived  at.  He  had  his  own  terms  to  express 
"  fractions  "  of  talents,  of  virtues,  of  qualities,  or  of  vices, 
"  halves  "  and  "  quarters,"  and  he  seized  at  a  glance,  apparent 
or  real  discrepancies  in  men's  dispositions.  Vanity,  preten- 
sion, concealed  ambitions,  crooked  dealings,  none  of  these 
ever  escaped  him ;  but  he  could  also  appreciate  goodness, 
morality,  and  purity,  and  no  one  had  a  higher  esteem  than 
he  for  strong  and  virtuous  characters. 

There  was  in  him  an  enthusiasm  for  the  highest  good 
which  was  never  dimmed  by  his  own  shortcomings.  He  was 
like  a  glass  which  might  be  darkened  for  a  moment,  but 
which  was  always  able  to  regain  its  brightness.  His  conduct 
often  contradicted  his  words,  but  this  did  not  result  from 

173 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

falsehood,  but  from  inconsistency.  He  had  a  sense  of  purity 
that  elevated  his  soul,  and  violent  passions  which  threw  it 
off  its  balance.  In  one  word  he  was  colossal. 

There  was  in  him  much  of  everything,  much  good,  much 
evil.  No  one  could  know  him  without  being  strongly  inter- 
ested in  him,  and  he  was  a  man  born  to  fill  by  his  immense 
activity  a  noble  sphere. 


174 


CHAPTER  XV 

ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS 

IRABEAU  was  fond  of  nicknaming  people 
after  well-known  historical  characters; 
this  was  a  telling  way  of  portraying 
them  shortly  in  a  single  word.  Voltaire 
set  him  the  example  by  naming  the  King 
of  Prussia  "  Alaric-Cottin."  Mirabeau  generally  designated 
Sieyes  by  the  name  of"  Mahomet,"  particularly  at  the  time 
when  he  ruled  the  Commons.  He  called  d'Espre'menil 
"  Crispin-Catilina,"  which  describes  the  ridiculous  character 
of  his  conspiracies.  He  very  happily  gave  the  name  of  the 
"  Red  Flag  "  to  the  inflexible  Camus,  in  allusion  to  Martial 
Law,  and  also  to  the  colour  of  his  nose,  which  was  of  a 
ruddy  hue. 

In  speaking  of  M.  de  Lafayette,  he  said:  "  He  wishes  to 
be  a  "  Grandison-Cromwell  " ;  he  looked  on  him  as  an  am- 
bitious failure,  who  wished  to  exercise  power  without  having 
the  courage  to  grasp  it  or  the  means  of  doing  so.  In  this 
case  his  hatred  made  him  unjust:  he  said  of  him,  "  qu'il 
avait  bien  sautt?  pour  reculer"  meaning  that  he  did  not 
maintain  the  reputation  he  had  made  in  America.  He 
accused  him  of  only  caring  for  a  press  reputation.  M.  de 

175 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Narbonne  said  that  Lafayette  had  all  the  great  virtues,  but 
that  in  all  of  them  there  was  something  wanting;  never- 
theless, Mirabeau  confessed  that  he  was  courageous  and 
calm. 

In  discussing  Washington,  everyone  agreed  in  praising 
his  rectitude  and  discretion,  but  owing  to  his  virtues  being 
too  equally  balanced,  his  character  was  wanting  in  brilliancy. 
Mirabeau  respected  him,  but  said  that  if  he  had  been  in 
his  place,  after  having  succeeded  in  accomplishing  the 
American  Revolution,  he  would  have  rallied  round  him  all 
his  followers,  and  would  have  set  off  to  attempt  the  con- 
quest of  the  Spanish  possessions  in  America.  The  fact  is 
that  Mirabeau  felt  himself  incapable  of  leading  a  quiet  and 
noble  life  in  peace  and  privacy,  "  otium  cum  dignitate." 

He  said  of  Necker:  "  He  is  like  a  clock  that  is  always 
too  slow."  The  intimacy  we  had  endeavoured  to  bring  about 
between  them  had  no  good  results.  M.  Necker  did  not 
understand  all  the  advantages  that  would  ensue  from  an 
alliance  with  him,  and  he  refused  to  trust  him.  He  was  as 
particular  about  his  political  intimacies  as  he  was  about  his 
private  friendships  or  his  family  alliances.  He  did  not  make 
sufficient  allowance  for  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  and 
Mirabeau  thought  him  weak  and  inefficient;  he  looked  on 
him  as  a  revolutionary  pigmy.  "  Mallebranche  sees  God  in 
everything,"  he  said,  "  but  M.  Necker  only  sees  himself." 
He  accused  him  of  thinking  that  the  entire  kingdom  was 
comprised  in  the  Rue  Vivienne,1  that  is  to  say,  that  it  had 
1  Answering  to  our  Lombard  Street. 
176 


ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS 

no  interest  for  him  beyond  its  financial  aspect  and  its  matters 
of  stocks  and  funds,  etc. 

M.  Necker  assumed  the  prudery  of  the  honest  man  who 
refuses  to  have  any  connection  with  a  roue,  which  was  the 
character  he  assigned  to  Mirabeau.  He  even  denied  ever 
having  had  the  slightest  acquaintance  with  him.  I  men- 
tioned this  to  the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  who  assured  me 
that  I  was  mistaken.  "  I  have  it,"  he  said,  "  from  M.  Necker 
himself  that  he  has  only  seen  Mirabeau  twice,  both  times 
at  Versailles  and  only  in  connection  with  Genevese  affairs. 
He  asked  for  an  interview,  which  it  was  impossible  to  re- 
fuse." It  is  true  that  Genevese  affairs  were  the  ostensible 
pretext  for  this  meeting,  but  they  were  not  the  real  object  of 
it.  What  weakness  this  denial  shows  in  a  man  of  his  talents! 

He  said  of  Claviere,  that  he  had  the  brain  of  a  man  and 
the  heart  of  a  child ;  that  he  required  regulating,  and  if  left 
to  himself  did  not  keep  time. 

I  have  forgotten  the  name  of  one  of  the  members  who 
had  been  employed  at  the  commencement  of  the  session  as 
a  speaking  trumpet  for  the  eloquence  of  others,  and  who 
one  day  delivered  a  speech,  which  had  been  written  for  him 
and  which  was  greatly  superior  to  his  usual  ones:  Mirabeau 
called  him  the  " Paillasse  de  I' Eloquence" 

One  day  in  the  Assembly  he  was  looking  at  the  figure  of 
Time,  armed  with  his  scythe  and  hour-glass,  and  he  ex- 
claimed, "  We  have  seized  his  scythe,  but  have  forgotten  to 
take  his  timepiece.  The  National  Assembly,"  he  said,  "  is 
in  want  of  a  Fabius,  it  has  had  plenty  of  Hannibals." 

177  N 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Speaking  of  the  illusions  which  so  many  men  had  ex- 
perienced, and  which  had  passed  away  never  to  return,  he 
said :  "  For  a  long  time  we  have  been  gazing  at  a  magic 
lantern,  but  now  the  glass  is  broken." 

"  When  a  pond  is  full,"  he  said,  "  a  mole  may  cause  an  in- 
undation by  boring  through  the  bank." 

Some  one  who  wished  to  "  denigrer  "  Mirabeau  indirectly, 
said  to  me :  "  We  call  Clermont-Tonnerre  the  Pitt  of  France." 
"That  may  be,"  I  said,  "but  it  would  be  interesting  to  know 
if  Mr.  Pitt  would  care  to  be  called  the  Clermont-Tonnerre 
of  England." 

Mirabeau  repeated  with  pleasure  an  anecdote  about  his 
brother,  the  Vicomte  de  Mirabeau,  who  was  a  clumsy, 
heavily-made  man,  and  who  was  called  by  the  populace 
"  Tonneau-Mirabeau."  One  evening,  he  was  paying  a  visit 
to  Mesdames,  the  King's  aunts,  and  the  porter  of  their 
apartments,  deceived  by  the  darkness  of  the  passage,  and 
by  the  heavy  tread  of  the  Vicomte,  thought  that  it  was 
Monsieur,  the  King's  brother,  and  in  consequence  announced 
him  as  he  opened  the  door  as  "  Monsieur."  "  Oh!  "  said  the 
Vicomte,  "  it  is  only  the  Monsieur  who  is  the  brother  of 
King  Mirabeau,"  and  the  whole  company  laughed  at  the 
allusion,  in  which  there  was  a  good  deal  of  truth. 

One  day,  Mirabeau  was  dining  with  the  Comte  de  Mont- 
morrin,  and  the  Comte  asked  him  what  he  thought  of  his 
brother.  "  Well,"  he  said,  "  in  any  other  family  than  ours 
he  would  be  thought  a  clever  man  and  a  rascal."  But  the 
Vicomte  returned  the  compliment,  for,  one  evening,  when 

178 


ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS 

he  presented  himself  at  an  evening  party  in  a  very  dis- 
reputable condition,  for  he  was  hardly  ever  sober,  he  said  : 
"  Well,  this  is  the  only  vice  that  my  brother  has  not 
appropriated." 

Doubts  have  been  expressed  as  to  Mirabeau's  personal 
courage,  because  he  very  wisely  refused  to  fight  duels  during 
the  sitting  of  the  National  Assembly.  "  They  can  employ  as 
many  assassins  as  they  like,"  he  said,  "and  in  that  way 
they  will  always  be  able  to  get  rid  of  any  one  who  offends 
them,  because  even  if  one  killed  ten  of  them,  one  would 
probably  succumb  to  the  eleventh."  He  always  carried 
pistols,  as  did  his  servants,  as  he  feared  that  he  might  be 
assassinated,  though  without  much  cause,  as  no  attempt  of 
the  sort  was  ever  made,  and  in  view  of  the  disposition  of 
the  people  at  that  time  it  would  have  been  most  dangerous 
to  commit  such  a  crime. 

Once  while  we  were  at  Versailles,  after  leaving  us  at 
about  eleven  o'clock  at  night  he  very  shortly  returned  in  a 
palpable  state  of  agitation.  He  was  not  alone,  but  was 
accompanied  by  a  servant  whose  arm  he  had  seized  on  per- 
ceiving that  a  man  wrapped  in  a  cloak  was  waiting  at  the 
corner  of  the  street.  We  sallied  forth  with  him  to  find  out 
who  it  could  be.  We  found  the  suspicious  looking  person 
still  there,  but  he  did  not  try  to  escape,  and  allowed  us  to 
accost  him  without  showing  any  signs  of  fear.  "  Sir,"  said 
Mirabeau,  "  may  I  ask  what  you  are  doing  here  at  this 
hour?  "  The  stranger  replied  that  he  was  waiting  for  his 
master  who  was  in  a  neighbouring  house.  "  And  will  you 

179 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

let  me  inquire  why  you  conceal  a  sword  under  your  cloak?  " 
"  Because,"  he  answered,  "  my  master  gave  it  me  when  he 
went  into  this  house  and  bade  me  keep  it  till  he  returned." 
We  did  not  think  that  there  appeared  to  be  any  question 
of  a  dangerous  or  sinister  intention  about  this,  and  we  there- 
fore accompanied  Mirabeau  to  his  own  door  and  returned 
safely  without  misadventure. 

His  servants  were  devoted  to  him.  I  went  with  him  to 
the  Bastille  three  or  four  days  after  it  had  been  taken ;  we 
visited  all  the  accessible  places,  and  then  descended  into  a 
dungeon,  where  his  servant  was  not  allowed  to  follow  him. 
The  poor  fellow  burst  into  tears,  and  begged  me  to  see  that 
his  master  was  not  killed  in  one  of  these  black  holes.  The 
idea  of  the  Bastille  filled  the  minds  of  the  people  with  horror, 
and  even  the  empty  carcase  of  the  monster  gave  them  fear- 
ful nightmares. 

I  forgot  to  describe  in  its  right  place  in  my  story,  this 
visit  of  ours  to  the  Bastille;  for  Mirabeau  it  was  a  triumph- 
ant progress:  the  crowd  which  had  assembled  round  the 
building  drew  up  at  his  approach  and  greeted  him  by 
throwing  flowers  and  verses  into  his  carriage,  which  was 
also  filled  with  the  books  and  manuscripts  that  had  been 
seized  from  the  prison.  I  kept  some  of  the  most  curious  of 
them  for  two  or  three  months,  but  the  Committee  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  who  were  printing  the  reports,  requested 
those  who  were  in  possession  of  these  manuscripts  to  return 
them.  I  therefore  gave  them  up. 

Mirabeau  had  a  valet  named  Teutch,  who  had  been  a 

1 80 


ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS 

smuggler,  and  who  related  feats  of  prodigious  valour  with- 
out thinking  that,  there  was  anything  extraordinary  about 
them.  "These  fillibusters,"  said  Mirabeau,  "degrade  the 
virtue  of  courage;  the  greatest  intrepidity  belongs  to  the 
lowest  type  of  mankind." 

He  required  much  personal  service,  as  he  was  very  par- 
ticular about  his  appearance;  his  dressing  occupied  a  great 
deal  of  time;  he  enlivened  the  proceedings  occasionally  by 
bestowing  a  few  cuffs  and  kicks  on  Teutch,  who  took  them 
as  marks  of  friendship,  and  if  his  master  was  too  busy,  and 
passed  a  few  days  without  paying  him  these  small  atten- 
tions, he  did  his  work  in  a  melancholy  way,  and  the  time 
passed  heavily. 

"What's  the  matter  with  you,  Teutch?  You  seem  very 
dull!" 

"  M.  le  Comte  has  neglected  me  completely  lately." 

"  What  do  you  mean?  " 

"  M.  le  Comte  is  so  solemn  with  me  now." 

So  that  out  of  good  nature  he  was  obliged  from  time  to 
time  to  hit  him  a  blow  in  the  stomach,  and  if  he  was 
knocked  down,  he  went  into  fits  of  laughter.  Teutch's 
despair  at  his  death  was  inconceivable.  His  secretary 
thought  it  necessary  to  go  beyond  the  public  in  their  grief, 
and  inflicted  several  wounds  on  himself  with  a  penknife, 
but  he  took  care,  nevertheless,  that  they  should  not  be  of 
such  a  character  as  to  cause  death! 

Mirabeau  left  a  son  of  about  five  or  six  years  of  age.  He 
was  alternately  petted  and  neglected.  "  This  child,"  he 

181 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

said,  by  way  of  praising  him,  "  has  a  savage  disposition." 
He  thought  that  every  one  of  the  Mirabeau  race  must  be 
something  extraordinary.  I  thought  that  the  child  was 
very  much  neglected,  and  I  sometimes  caressed  him,  and 
was  quite  surprised  by  the  "savage"  child  taking  my 
hands  and,  instead  of  biting  them,  covering  them  with 
kisses.  He  appeared  to  be  very  gentle,  and  would  have 
easily  been  managed  by  a  little  care  and  affection.  His 
father  behaved  by  him  as  he  did  by  himself,  and  stole  the 
witty  sayings  of  other  children  in  order  to  attribute  them 
to  him. 

Mirabeau  had  much  affection  and  esteem  for  Cabanis, 
who  was  inexperienced  as  a  doctor,  but  who  had  an  un- 
bounded admiration  for  him,  was  full  of  kindness,  and  was 
only  too  happy  to  be  able  to  contribute  to  his  reputation 
by  taking  care  of  his  health.  At  the  beginning  of  his  ill- 
ness, though  he  felt  from  the  first  that  it  was  taking  a  very 
grave  turn,  he  refused  to  call  in  anyone  else,  for  fear  of 
showing  any  distrust  in  Cabanis  or  of  robbing  him  of  the 
credit  of  his  cure.  Cabanis  has  recorded  the  course  of  the 
malady  and  his  treatment  of  it.  I  was  at  Geneva  at  the 
time,  and  our  cleverest  doctors  there  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  from  the  second  day  of  the  illness  the  doctor  mistook 
the  case  and  lost  his  head,  owing  to  the  greatness  of  the 
responsibility.  Two  years  later,  I  heard  the  same  thing 
from  the  physicians  in  Edinburgh.  They  did  not  actually 
say  that  the  treatment  caused  his  death,  but  they  thought 
that  nothing  was  done  that  might  have  cured  it.  They  dis- 

182 


ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS 

carded  all  idea  of  poison,  of  which  there  were  no  signs,  but 
attributed  his  death  to  inflammation  of  the  bowels. 

The  Bishop  of  Autun,  who  often  saw  him  during  the  ill- 
ness, which  only  lasted  four  or  five  days,  told  me  that  when- 
ever the  awful  attacks  of  pain  were  at  an  end,  he  became 
calm  and  gentle  and  full  of  amiability  for  all  those  who 
were  with  him,  and  this  he  continued  to  the  last.  He  knew 
that  he  was  the  object  of  general  interest,  and  bore  himself 
as  a  great  and  noble  actor  in  the  theatre  of  his  Country. 
The  Bishop  of  Autun  made  an  appropriate  remark  which  I 
shall  always  remember:  "He  has  dramatized  his  death," 
he  said  to  me.  In  his  last  convulsive  agonies,  when  covered 
with  a  cold  sweat,  there  were  moments  when  he  could  no 
longer  bear  his  life.  "If,"  he  said,  "there  is  the  smallest 
chance  of  your  saving  me,  I  will  bear  the  pain,  but  if  you 
have  no  hope,  I  implore  you  to  have  the  humanity  to  shorten 
the  torments  I  am  enduring,  of  which  you  can  have  no 
idea  " ;  and  after  one  of  his  most  violent  attacks,  which  had 
vanquished  all  his  patience  and  caused  him  to  scream  aloud, 
he  sent  for  his  papers  and  chose  from  among  them  a  speech 
he  had  made  on  the  "  Testamens."  "  There,"  he  said  to  the 
Bishop  of  Autun,  "these  are  my  last  thoughts;  I  entrust 
them  to  you,  and  you  shall  read  them  after  my  death.  It 
is  my  legacy  to  the  Assembly." 

This  speech  on  the  "  Testamens "  was,  to  my  certain 
knowledge,  the  work  of  M.  Reybaz.  It  was  written  with 
much  care  in  a  style  quite  different  from  that  of  Mirabeau, 
and  it  is  remarkable  that,  even  on  his  deathbed,  he  should 

183 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

have  preserved  the  desire  for  a  borrowed  reputation;  all 
the  more  as  he  possessed  so  much  personal  fame,  and  had 
no  need  of  the  spoils  of  others. 

Amongst  his  papers  was  found  a  speech  on  the  slave 
trade  that  was  compiled  by  various  hands,  but  in  which 
there  was  much  of  his  own  freely  contributed  work.  I  recol- 
lect one  of  his  descriptions  contained  a  fine  image :  "  Let 
us  follow  across  the  Atlantic  this  vessel  laden  with  captives, 
or  rather  this  long  bier." 

This  speech  he  read  to  the  Jacobin  club,  as  he  was  anxious 
for  their  approval,  and  it  produced  so  much  effect  that  all 
those  interested  in  the  subject  of  the  slave  trade,  united  in 
their  efforts  to  prevent  the  subject  from  being  discussed  in 
the  Assembly,  as  they  were  afraid  that  Mirabeau's  speech 
would  create  so  much  enthusiasm  as  to  cause  the  abolition 
of  the  trade. 

If  I  had  not  lived  with  him,  I  should  never  have  known 
how  much  it  is  possible  to  accomplish  in  a  single  day.  One 
day  to  him  was  worth  as  much  as  a  week  to  others.  The 
amount  of  business  that  he  carried  on  at  the  same  time  was 
prodigious,  and  once  a  project  was  conceived,  he  lost  no  time 
in  executing  it.  "To-morrow"  was,  in  his  case,  not  the 
impostor  it  proves  for  other  people.  Conversation  alone 
tempted  him  from  his  work,  and  he  even  used  that  as  a 
means  of  helping  him,  for  it  was  nearly  always  after  some 
talk  with  him  that  we  set  to  work  and  prepared  his  writings. 
He  read  little  but  very  rapidly,  and  at  once  perceived  all 
that  was  novel  and  interesting  in  any  book.  If  alterations 

184 


ANECDOTES  AND  SAYINGS 

or  corrections  were  necessary  in  his  speeches,  he  required 
numerous  copies  of  them  to  be  written  out.  This  manual 
work  often  exceeded  what  could  be  accomplished  by  those 
whose  business  it  was,  but  his  impatience  was  well  known, 
and  it  had  to  be  done.  "  Monsieur  le  Comte,"  said  his 
secretary  to  him  one  day,  "  what  you  require  is  impossible." 
"  Impossible!  "  he  said,  rising  from  his  chair,  "  never  let  me 
hear  that  stupid  word  again." 

Mirabeau's  connection  with  the  Court  party,  during  the 
last  six  months  of  his  life,  had  for  its  object  his  entry  into 
the  Government.  To  accomplish  this,  it  was  necessary  for 
him  to  annul  many  of  the  Assembly's  laws,  and  to  him  at 
this  time  is  attributed  a  counter-revolutionary  plot:  of  this 
I  know  nothing,  but  his  hatred  and  contempt  for  the 
Assembly  make  it  not  improbable  for  it  to  have  been  the 
case.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  he  wished  to  re-establish 
the  Royal  power,  but  also  that  he  meant  the  Constitution 
to  be  on  English  lines,  and  that  he  never  would  agree  to 
any  plan  of  which  a  national  representative  assembly  was 
not  the  foundation.  He  thought  it  absolutely  necessary  to 
have  an  aristocracy,  for  he  believed  it  essential  to  the 
existence  of  the  Monarchy,  and  the  decree  which  had 
abolished  all  titles  of  nobility  was  one  of  those  which  he 
wished  to  revoke. 

Bouille's  Memoirs  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  connection  of 
Mirabeau  with  the  Court  from  the  beginning  of  1791.  In 
the  King's  letter  to  Bouille,  he  writes  referring  to  Mirabeau 
and  others :  "  Though  these  men  are  not  all  of  high  char- 

185 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

acter,  and  though  I  have  paid  an  enormous  sum  for  the 
services  of  the  principal  one,  I  believe  nevertheless  that 
they  will  be  useful  to  me,  and  parts  of  their  scheme  seem 
to  be  worthy  of  adoption."  One  sees  that  Mirabeau's  plan 
was  for  the  Assembly  to  be  dissolved,  at  the  initiative  of 
the  nation,  by  causing  petitions  from  the  departments  to 
be  sent  to  pray  for  this  object,  and  without  employing 
foreign  armies  or  destroying  the  hopes  of  Liberty;  he 
meant,  immediately  on  its  dissolution,  to  ask  that  another 
Assembly  should  be  summoned.  From  what  one  sees  of 
this  plan,  one  cannot  consider  Mirabeau  as  a  man  who 
wished  to  betray  the  cause  of  the  people;  he  was  too  clever 
for  that;  he  knew  very  well  that  all  his  strength  consisted 
in  his  popularity,  and  that  if  he  restored  absolute  power  to 
the  King,  his  own  influence  would  be  annihilated. 

All  his  ambitions  were  centred  on  establishing  a  govern- 
ment which  was  to  eclipse  all  former  ones.  He  felt  himself 
strong  enough  to  draw  all  distinguished  men  round  him, 
and  he  wished,  he  said,  to  compose  an  "  aureole  "  of  talents, 
the  glory  of  which  was  to  dazzle  the  whole  of  Europe. 


1 86 


CHAPTER  XVI 


THE   KING'S  FLIGHT 

RETURNED  from  Geneva  in  the  month 
of  May,  1791,  and  went  to  live  with  Bidder- 
mann  the  banker,  who  was  a  Swiss,  and 
with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted.  His 
house  was  the  rendezvous  of  several  mem- 
bers of  the  Assembly:  Claviere,  Brissot,  Reybaz,  were  all 
friends  of  his.  I  rarely  went  to  the  sittings,  as  they  did  not 
interest  me  now  that  Mirabeau  was  no  more.  They  were 
now  occupied  with  details  relating  to  military  matters, 
municipalities,  and  the  issuing  of  the  assignats.  The  in- 
fluence of  the  Jacobins  was  much  increased,  as  Mirabeau's 
death  had  freed  them  from  their  greatest  enemy,  and  the 
hopes  and  ambitions  of  the  small  fry  now  rose  to  the  surface. 
The  King  had  recently  been  to  the  Assembly,  and  had 
voluntarily  renewed  his  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  constitution. 
Fifteen  days  later,  he  was  in  full  flight.  He  had  stolen  out 
of  the  palace  in  the  evening  and  had  escaped  by  deceiving 
Lafayette  and  his  guards.  The  secret  had  been  so  well  kept 
that  no  suspicion  of  this  had  caused  any  apprehension; 
d'Andre  was  told  of  it  at  six  o'clock  by  one  of  his  friends 

187 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

who  was  a  valet  in  the  palace,  but  he  refused  to  believe  it. 
It  appeared  impossible  to  manage  to  elude  the  vigilance  of 
so  many. 

The  Assembly  showed  itself  on  this  occasion  worthy  of 
its  best  traditions.  The  right  side  hardly  dared  to  express 
its  joy;  the  left,  anxious  about  an  event  which  might  be 
the  signal  for  the  commencement  of  a  civil  war,  resolved  to 
act  prudently.  Quiet  and  prompt  measures  were  taken  to 
bring  back  the  monarch,  and  in  the  Assembly  the  event  was 
only  spoken  of  as  if  it  was  a  conspiracy  against  the  King 
himself,  a  violent  abduction  for  which  the  nation  would  be 
revenged.  Everyone  wished  to  quiet  the  anxieties  of  the 
people,  and  occupied  themselves  in  their  ordinary  affairs  as 
if  nothing  particular  had  happened,  and  as  if  the  King  had 
started  on  an  ordinary  journey  for  pleasure.  This  modera- 
tion was  the  result  of  opposing  passions  which  counteracted 
each  other;  but  it  also  proves  that  the  majority  of  the  mem- 
bers were  honest  and  enlightened  men  who  were  capable 
of  understanding  all  the  consequences  that  might  result 
from  their  actions,  and  who  did  not  wish  to  endanger  the 
peace  of  France.  If  the  King  had  not  been  arrested  it  is 
very  probable  that  the  majority  of  the  Chamber  would  have 
treated  with  him,  and  would  have  satisfied  his  principal 
causes  of  complaint. 

As  for  the  people  of  Paris,  they  seemed  to  be  full  of 
common  sense;  they  were  as  calm  as  possible.  On  all 
sides  one  heard  jokes  about  the  royal  family.  It  is  true 
the  jests  were  bitter  ones,  and  showed  that  they  were 

188 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

no  longer  trusted  or  held  in  respect.  "  The  traitor  is  un- 
masked," they  said.  "  This  shows  how  much  value  can  be 
placed  on  the  oaths  and  promises  of  the  Court.  We  were 
much  deceived  if  we  thought  it  possible  that  a  King  could 
really  espouse  the  cause  of  liberty,  or  renounce  the  pleasures 
of  despotism."  I  heard  remarks  of  this  nature  in  many 
public  resorts.  There  was  no  expression  of  contumely  that 
was  not  bestowed  in  the  calmest  manner  possible  on  the 
King.  In  the  space  of  a  few  hours  all  the  signs  of  royalty 
disappeared  one  after  the  other.  Placards  bearing  the  name 
of  the  King  and  his  family  were  knocked  down.  Revenge 
was  taken  even  on  the  emblems  of  royalty,  and  nothing  was 
left  that  could  recall  the  idea  of  "  A  King  who  had  broken 
his  oath."  Songs  of  a  most  ribald  nature  enlivened  the 
streets,  and  almost  at  once  people  got  accustomed  to  the 
idea  that  a  King  was  not  a  necessity.  Changeability,  care- 
lessness, frivolity,  those  are  the  chief  characteristics  of  the 
people  of  Paris.  "If  the  King  has  left  us,"  they  said,  "  the 
nation  remains ;  one  can  have  a  nation  without  a  King,  but 
not  a  Kingwithout  a  nation."  Certainly,  if  the  King  imagined 
that  the  populace  would  be  dismayed  at  his  departure,  he 
must  have  been  much  astonished  at  the  general  indifference 
that  was  shown  by  them. 

Confidence  in  the  Assembly  was  the  dominant  sentiment. 
At  first,  M.  de  Lafayette  was  in  some  danger,  because  it 
was  thought  that  he  was  an  accomplice,  but  when  it  was 
discovered  that  the  Court  had  deceived  him,  his  popularity 
became  all  the  greater.  "  Our  great  obstacle  has  now  been 

189 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

removed,"  was  written  to  me  by  one  who  rejoiced  that  the 
King  had  abdicated. 

At  this  time  the  famous  Payne  was  in  Paris,  and  was 
being  well  received  by  Condorcet.  He  gave  himself  all  the 
credit  of  the  American  Revolution,  and  believed  it  was  his 
mission  to  bring  about  another  one  in  France. 

I  was  now  seized  with  an  idea  to  write  on  the  events  that 
were  happening,  under  the  name  of  "  The  Shade  of  Mira- 
beau,"  and  I  took  a  secret  pleasure  in  seeing  what  would  be 
the  judgement  of  the  public  on  a  work  that  should  bear  the 
traces  of  his  mind.  I  began  with  some  success,  inspired  by 
the  circumstances  of  the  King's  flight,  which  I  represented 
as  being  a  Court  conspiracy.  I  implored  the  Nation  to  give 
all  its  support  to  the  Assembly,  and  I  pressed  the  Assembly 
to  declare  itself  in  favour  of  the  King,  and,  as  soon  as  they 
had  set  him  at  liberty,  to  punish  the  conspirators  who  had 
insulted  the  Nation's  monarch.  I  then  addressed  myself  to 
the  King,  and  expatiated  on  the  misfortunes  that  must 
follow  a  prince  who  attempted  to  conquer  a  nation  by  force 
and  become  a  member  of  the  odious  class  of  tyrants.  I 
flattered  myself  that  I  had  successfully  evoked  Mirabeau's 
spirit  and  had  used  language  and  sentiments  that  he  would 
not  have  disdained. 

Just  then  Duchatelet  came  to  see  me.  After  some  pre- 
ambles, he  asked  me  to  read  an  English  manuscript  which 
was  written  in  the  form  of  a  proclamation  addressed  to  the 
French  nation.  This  was  nothing  less  than  a  manifesto 
against  royalty,  and  an  invitation  to  seize  the  opportunity 

190 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

of  forming  a  republic.  Payne  was  the  author  of  this  com- 
position, and  Duchatelet  was  determined  to  adopt  it,  to 
sign  it  with  his  own  name,  and  to  spread  it  abroad  all 
over  Paris,  and  then  to  take  the  consequences  of  his  action. 
He  came  to  ask  me  to  translate  it  into  French,  and  to 
develop  it  in  any  way  I  thought  advisable.  I  began  to 
discuss  \vith  him  this  strange  proposal,  and  I  showed  him 
the  objections  there  would  be  in  raising  the  banner  of  a 
republic  without  the  consent  of  the  National  Assembly.  I 
asked  him  if  he  had  consulted  any  of  the  leaders  of  public 
opinion,  if  he  had  seen  Sieyes  or  Lafayette.  It  appeared 
that  he  and  Payne  were  acting  entirely  alone;  that  is  to 
say,  an  American  and  a  thoughtless  young  French  noble- 
man were  putting  themselves  forward  to  alter  the  whole  of 
the  French  constitution.  I  absolutely  refused  to  translate 
his  address  in  spite  of  all  his  entreaties.  He  assured  me 
that  I  should  not  be  compromised  by  doing  this,  and  that 
it  would  in  any  case  be  accomplished,  that  I  might  help 
him  as  a  friend,  and  at  the  same  time  need  not  approve  of 
his  proceedings.  I  remained  inflexible,  and  decided  to  send 
"  Mirabeau's  Shade  "  back  to  the  tomb,  foreseeing  that,  if 
I  continued  to  write  under  this  name  I  should  be  compro- 
mised. The  republican  placard,  signed  by  Duchatelet,  was 
the  next  morning  to  be  seen  on  every  wall  in  Paris,  and 
was  at  once  denounced  by  the  Assembly. 

The  idea  of  a  republic  had  not  yet  been  directly  sug- 
gested by  anyone,  and  the  first  signal  of  it  produced 
consternation  amongst  the  Right  side,  as  well  as  amongst 

191 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

the  Moderates  of  the  Left.  Mallouet,  Cazales,  and  several 
others,  proposed  to  prosecute  the  author;  but  Chapelier 
and  a  number  of  others  feared  that,  by  doing  this  the  fire 
would  be  increased  instead  of  extinguished;  they  therefore 
passed  the  order  of  the  day  with  a  rider  that  the  proposi- 
tion was  demented,  and  the  author  mad. 

I  may  say  that  Duchatelet  approached  several  people  on 
the  subject,  that  none  of  them  would  listen  to  him,  that 
Sieyes,  with  the  greatest  contempt,  refused  to  help  him ; 
several  others  replied  that  the  time  had  not  yet  arrived  for 
such  a  proposal,  and  Lafayette  said  that  at  least  twenty 
years  must  elapse  before  the  cause  of  liberty  would  be  suffi- 
ciently ripe  to  enable  France  to  become  a  republic. 

But  the  seed  which  had  been  sown  by  Payne's  daring 
hand  began  to  germinate  in  several  brains.  From  the  mo- 
ment of  the  King's  flight,  Condorcet  had  become  a  republi- 
can. Claviere,  Petion  and  Buzot  discussed  the  question 
together.  It  was  talked  of  at  Bidermann's,  and  I  witnessed 
the  formation  of  the  first  germs  of  the  idea,  which  was 
meanwhile  gaining  strength  in  the  southern  provinces.  This 
was  what  was  commonly  said  at  the  time:  "  The  King  has 
lost  the  confidence  of  the  people  and  can  never  regain  it. 
The  Nation  will  never  forget  his  flight,  especially  after  the 
positive  and  even  gratuitous  promises  that  he  made.  He 
will  not  himself  be  able  to  forget  that  he  has  been  brought 
back  by  force,  and  that  he  only  reigns  by  sufferance  over  a 
people  who  despise  him  for  his  weakness,  and  who  look  on 
him  as  a  traitor.  The  first  elements  of  a  monarchy  are  de- 

192 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

stroyed ;  the  King  appears  only  in  the  light  of  a  conspirator, 
and  there  is  nothing  so  absurd  as  to  confide  great  constitu- 
tional powers  on  one  who  has  declared  himself  opposed  to 
them." 

This  argument  was  a  strong  one  against  the  King,  but 
a  weak  one  against  a  monarchy.  This  distinction,  how- 
ever, was  not  made  because  there  was  a  difficulty  which 
there  was  no  means  of  removing,  as  to  putting  any  other 
member  of  the  royal  family  on  the  throne,  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  being  altogether  too  contemptible  a  personage  to 
be  considered  for  a  moment. 

It  was  already  said  that  for  the  last  two  years  the  country 
had  been  governed  by  the  Assembly  and  not  by  the  King. 
His  partisans  only  threw  impediments  in  the  way;  it  was 
the  Assembly  who  provided  the  resources,  and  to  whom 
obedience  was  rendered.  Condorcet  said:  "  If  a  republic  is 
established  by  a  rising  of  the  people  against  the  Court,  the 
consequences  will  be  terrible;  but  if  it  is  accomplished  now 
while  the  Assembly  is  still  all  powerful,  its  birth  will  be  an 
easy  one:  it  is  better  that  it  should  be  determined  on  now 
when  the  King  no  longer  possesses  any  power,  than  to  put 
it  off  till  later  when  he  may  have  regained  part  of  his  position, 
as  his  fall  then  will  be  all  the  greater."  As  for  Royalty,  it 
was  considered  a  scarecrow  with  which  to  frighten  children, 
or  as  a  plaything  to  amuse  men.  But  it  is  always  the  worst  of 
evils  not  to  "  bear  the  ills  one  has,  rather  than  fly  to  others 
one  knows  not  of."  What  form  of  republic  was  suggested  ? 
How  could  one  argue  about  such  a  vague  expression  ? 

193  O 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

While  the  Assembly  was  discussing  what  line  they  should 
adopt  asto  the  conduct  of  the  King,  the  budding  Republicans 
already  wished  to  bring  him  to  trial,  to  declare  that  he  had 
abdicated,  and  to  place  the  Dauphin  on  the  throne,  or  to 
announce  boldly  the  birth  of  the  Republic. 

I  remember  one  day  we  went  to  see  Petion,  to  ask  what 
had  passed  in  the  Assembly  as  to  the  King's  return.  He 
was  engaged  in  playing  his  violin,  and  Brissot  was  much 
annoyed  at  the  indifference  and  frivolity  he  showed  while 
the  fate  of  the  Monarch  was  at  stake.  Potion  and  Barnave 
had  been  the  two  dtyutts  who  had  been  sent  to  Varennes 
to  fetch  back  the  King;  this  honour  had  in  noway  affected 
him  :  Barnave,  he  told  us,  was  just  like  a  provincial  bour- 
geois, full  of  astonishment  and  admiration  at  finding  himself 
in  the  same  carriage  as  the  King.  As  for  P6tion,  he  had  felt 
no  compassion  for  a  prince  fallen  from  his  high  estate.  His 
self-love  had  directed  him  to  look  for  success  from  the 
popular  party,  and  he  did  not  care  for  Court  honours.  He 
was  a  courtier  of  the  People,  and  despised  the  courtiers  of 
the  King.  He  saw  plainly  that  the  popular  road  led  to 
power,  and  the  royal  one  to  nothing  at  all.  He  was  one  of 
those  men  who  are  quite  able  to  dispense  with  money  and 
luxury.  I  think  he  was  incorruptible  as  far  as  his  pecuniary 
interests  were  concerned,  but  there  are  so  many  other  sources 
of  corruption  ! 

Brissot  was  still  more  disinterested,  but  he  was  a  fanatic 
and  full  of  prejudices.  He  had  many  virtues,  but  they 
were  corrupted  by  party  spirit,  and  degenerated  into  vices. 

194 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

He  was  a  man  born  for  good  purposes,  who  became  an 
instrument  of  evil. 

I  had  a  high  opinion  of  Condorcet,  and  he  had  much 
influence.  His  house  was  really  the  focus  of  the  Republic.1 
It  is  said  that  Madame  Condorcet  had  received  some  insult 
from  the  Queen,  and  that  her  zeal  for  the  Republic  was  in 
reality  the  revenge  of  an  injured  woman  ;  but  I  do  not  be- 
lieve this.  She  had  a  serious  nature  and  mind  that  liked  to 
give  itself  up  to  philosophic  thought,  and  a  passion  for 
Rousseau's  works  had  excited  her  brain.  Her  husband's 
enthusiasm  came  from  reason,  hers  from  sentiment.  Both 
of  them  were  strongly  convinced  that  liberty  could  not 
exist  in  France  in  conjunction  with  the  throne.  Payne 
had  given  them  false  ideas  as  to  England  which  I  vainly 
endeavoured  to  expel.  America  appeared  to  them  to  be 
the  model  for  all  good  governments,  and  they  thought  it 
would  be  easy  to  transplant  the  system  of  federation  into 
France.  Condorcet  was  not  a  Jacobin;  he  saw  what  the 
Jacobins  were  contemplating,  but  he  wished  the  Repub- 
lic to  be  established  by  the  Assembly  instead  of  by  the 
populace.  The  most  inconsistent  men  at  this  time  were 
those  who,  like  Sieyes,  were  not  themselves  republicans, 

1  France's  greatest  misfortune  was  that  the  Republic  was  created 
during  a  time  of  storm  instead  of  being  the  result  of  calm  deliberation. 
I  do  not  say  that  it  is  possible  to  make  a  good  French  Republic,  I 
only  say  that  the  same  causes  that  took  away  the  power  from  the 
King,  would  also  have  prevented  his  authority  ever  being  restored ; 
and  it  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  Condorcet  and  his  party  ought 
to  be  judged. 

195 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  yet  who  never  ceased  to  attack  the  feeble  remnants 
of  Royal  authority. 

Robespierre  was  so  terrified  by  the  King's  flight  that  he 
concealed  himself  for  two  entire  days,  and  even  contem- 
plated departing  for  Marseilles.  When  the  King  returned, 
he  began  to  listen  cautiously  to  Brissot  and  Potion  ;  he 
wished  to  destroy  the  Monarchy  without  declaring  himself 
in  favour  of  the  Republic. 

The  first  republicans,  therefore,  were  not  the  satellites  of 
the  Due  d'Or!6ans;  they  were  independent  men,  and  I  do 
not  know  that  one  can  find  any  fault  with  them  as  long  as 
their  opinions  only  remained  opinions.  The  King's  departure 
was  a  proof  that  the  Court  would  not  be  reconciled  to  the 
Constitution,  which  was  at  that  time  the  idol  of  France. 

Several  members  of  the  Assembly  held  at  this  time  wiser 
opinions;  they  understood  that  by  rendering  a  good  and 
virtuous  prince  the  object  of  general  loathing  they  had 
thrown  him  into  a  false  and  hopeless  position.  From  this 
time  Lafayette  feared  the  Jacobins  more  than  the  Royalists. 
Duport,  Barnave,  and  the  Lameths  saw  the  necessity  of 
approaching  the  monarch  and  of  attaching  him  to  the  Con- 
stitution by  making  their  interests  identical.  They  worked 
on  this  new  plan,  but  their  powers  of  destruction  were 
greater  than  those  of  re-construction,  and  when  they  be- 
came moderate  they  lost  the  popularity  they  had  gained 
by  their  former  violence. 

I  was  a  very  short  time  in  Paris  after  the  King's  return, 
and  I  went  to  London  accompanied  by  the  notorious  Payne, 

196 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

whom  I  had  only  seen  five  or  six  times,  and  whose  preju- 
dices against  England  I  forgave  on  account  of  his  being 
an  American.  But  his  incredible  and  presumptuous  self- 
sufficiency  disgusted  me,  his  vanity  really  amounted  to 
madness.  If  one  trusted  to  his  own  account,  one  might 
have  thought  that  he  had  accomplished  all  that  had  taken 
place  in  America.  He  was  a  caricature  of  a  vain  French- 
man. He  thought  that  his  book  on  the  Rights  of  Man  took 
the  place  of  all  other  books;  he  did  not  disguise  from  us 
that  if  he  had  the  power  he  would  annihilate  every  library 
in  the  world,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  errors  they  served 
to  propagate,  and  to  start  a  fresh  system  of  the  ideas  and 
principles  which  were  all  contained  in  his  great  work.  He 
knew  all  his  own  books  by  heart,  but  he  knew  nothing  else. 
He  even  recited  to  us  his  love  letters,  which  were  written  in 
a  strange  and  odd  style  worthy  of  Mascarille.  He  was  a 
clever  man,  full  of  imagination,  and  gifted  with  eloquence, 
but  my  curiosity  about  this  clever  writer  was  more  than 
satisfied  during  our  journey,  and  I  never  saw  him  again. 

When  I  was  in  London,  my  friends  sent  me  the  first 
numbers  of  the  "  Republican,"  a  periodical  to  which  I  had 
promised  to  contribute;  but  while  I  was  in  England,  my 
opinions  changed,  and  I  no  longer  held  the  excited  ideas 
that  took  possession  of  me  in  Paris  whilst  living  in 
such  seductive  and  agreeable  society.  I  now  looked  at 
everything  from  a  different  point  of  view.  I  wrote  to 
Claviere,  not  only  to  tell  him  that  I  withdrew  from  my 
engagement,  but  to  represent  to  him  that  this  periodical 

197 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

was  running  counter  to  the  Assembly  and  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  that  it  would  be  a  real  offence  to  continue  its 
publication,  and  that  he  and  all  his  friends  would  be  incap- 
able of  serving  their  country  if  they  persisted  in  holding 
opinions  which  were  only  those  of  a  small  faction,  particu- 
larly as  now  that  the  King  was  re-established  on  the  throne, 
the  circumstances  had  changed  as  to  the  advisability  of 
declaring  a  republic.  I  wrote  in  the  same  way  to  Madame 
Condorcet.  Claviere  soon  afterwards  told  me  that  the 
"  Republican  "  had  ceased  to  appear,  and  that  the  idea  of 
a  republic  no  longer  existed,  that  the  tide  had  turned  in 
favour  of  the  monarchy,  and  that  the  Assembly  itself  was 
working  in  an  anti-revolutionary  spirit,  and  that  any  sus- 
picion of  republicanism  was  looked  at  in  an  unfavourable 
light. 

I  had  written  an  article  for  this  republican  paper,  which 
was  printed  during  my  absence  with  most  dishonest  altera- 
tions, consisting  of  additions  and  suppressions,  and  insulting 
expressions  towards  the  King  that  in  no  way  represented 
either  my  opinions  or  my  character. 

The  Assembly  was  then  engaged  revising  the  Consti- 
tution. It  showed  a  disposition  to  retrieve  its  errors,  to 
correct  its  exaggerations,  and  to  associate  the  King  with 
liberty  and  the  public  welfare.  But  the  party  called  "  La 
Montagne  "  was  against  any  strengthening  of  the  executive 
power.  If  the  moderate  and  reasonable  party  could  have 
joined  them  and  worked  together,  it  is  probable  that  the 
constitution  would  have  received  essential  improvements. 

198 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

I  knew  most  of  these  details  from  D'Andre",  who  played  the 
principal  part  in  affairs  during  these  four  months;  he  was 
the  cleverest  and  most  pliable  personage  of  the  time,  and 
showed  more  adroitness  than  anyone  else  in  preparing 
and  passing  different  motions.  As  soon  as  a  plan  had  been 
settled  on  in  a  small  committee  consisting  of  Lafayette, 
La  Rochefoucauld,  etc.,  D'Andre  went  in  good  time  to  the 
Assembly,  and  as  soon  as  the  members  arrived,  he  consulted 
with  them,  gave  them  his  advice  and  induced  them  to  request 
him  to  introduce  the  measure,  and  only  engaged  to  do  so 
after  they  had  promised  their  support.  It  was  in  this  manner 
that  he  cemented  his  party  together;  and  whilst,  in  reality, 
inducing  them  to  adopt  his  policy,  he  appeared  to  be  merely 
acting  according  to  their  advice. 

The  "  Montagne  "  Party,  often  worsted  by  D'Andre",  hated 
him ;  Brissot,  in  his  paper  the  "  Patriote  "  abused  him  with 
an  incredible  bitterness.  The  Jacobins  looked  on  him  as  a 
man  who  had  been  bought  by  the  King ;  though  he  had 
much  talent  and  dexterity  he  had  not  the  oratorical  gifts 
which  impress  the  public,  and  in  consequence  he  was  never 
popular.  Sieyes,  who  was  sometimes  in  an  amusing  vein, 
was  fond  of  relating  an  imaginary  dialogue  which  was 
supposed  to  take  place  between  D'Andr6  and  his  valet. 

D'Andre".— "  What  is  the  order  for  the  day?  " 

Jean. — "  The  question  of  the  presence  of  the  King's  Com- 
missioners, sir." 

D'Andre". — "  Oh !  Well,  take  off  this  coat,  and  give  me  the 
old  one." 

199 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Jean. — "  It 's  all  out  of  elbows,  sir." 

D'Andre\ — "  That 's  just  why  I  want  it,  give  me  my  old 
hat  and  my  worst  stockings." 

Jean. — "  Do  you  require  your  boots,  sir,  it's  a  wet  day?  " 

D' Andre". — "  Certainly  not,  they  are  quite  new,  I  will  have 
my  thick  shoes,  those  studded  with  nails.  A  little  mud  won't 
hurt  them.  This  is  an  important  affair,  and  who  the  devil 
will  think  about  the  Civil  List  if  they  see  me  got  up  like 
this?" 

D' Andre"  complained  to  me  more  of  his  friends  than  of 
his  enemies ;  they  were  very  indolent,  and  were  disheartened 
by  the  knowledge  that  their  position  had  altered,  and  they 
were  no  longer  in  a  position  to  reply  to  their  adversaries 
who  accused  them  of  inconsistency  and  variableness.  They 
had  been  eager  enough  in  attack,  but  now  that  they  were  on 
their  defence  they  had  become  indifferent.  As  often  as  not, 
after  meeting  together  and  deliberating  for  a  long  time, 
they  settled  nothing.  The  "  Montagne  "  therefore  reaped 
the  advantage  of  at  all  events  being  true  to  themselves, 
whereas  on  the  moderate  side  there  were  many  false 
members  who  betrayed  their  principles. 

D' Andre  said  that  the  greatest  difficulties  came  from  the 
Court  party.  The  King  listened  to  so  many  counsellors, 
mixed  all  their  advice  together,  and  in  this  way  spoilt  every- 
thing. There  were  numerous  small  intrigues,  but  no  real  con- 
certed action.  The  amount  of  follies  of  which  they  were 
guilty  made  them  very  unpopular,  and  gave  to  those,  who 
were  only  sincerely  anxious  to  establish  a  constitutional 

200 


THE  KING'S  FLIGHT 

monarchy,  the  appearance  of  being  plotters  against  the  re- 
volution. What  disgusted  them  most  of  all  was  that  in  spite 
of  themselves  they  found  they  were  obliged  to  associate  with 
men  who  would  willingly  have  hanged  them  in  order  to  re- 
establish a  reign  of  despotism.  But  the  Court  party  brought 
about  its  own  destruction.  The  King  was  so  badly  advised, 
more  particularly  by  the  Queen,  that  he  attached  the  great- 
est importance  to  passing  the  fatal  decree  by  which  the 
members  of  the  first  Assembly  were  declared  ineligible 
to  sit  in  the  second.  D'Andre  told  me  all  the  details.  He 
received  a  visit  from  one  of  the  King's  confidential  advisers, 
who,  after  paving  the  way  in  an  attractive  and  flattering 
manner  by  alluding  to  the  King's  gratitude  and  esteem, 
and  by  hinting  at  promises  for  the  future,  told  him  finally 
that  the  Court  was  depending  on  him  to  support  the  decree. 
D'Andre,  who  looked  on  it  as  destructive  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, did  all  in  his  power  to  open  their  eyes  to  its  dangers ; 
he  tried  to  adjourn  the  question  in  order  to  gain  time;  he 
represented  all  the  consequences  that  would  result  from  it, 
but  all  to  no  avail ;  the  blindness  of  the  Court  was  complete. 
The  Queen's  resentment  against  most  of  the  Left  Side  was 
so  bitter  that  she  thought  that  if  the  men  who  had  destroyed 
the  royal  power  could  be  excluded  from  the  Assembly,  the 
monarchy  would  be  saved.  She  had  been  informed  that  the 
Provinces  were  on  their  side,  that  the  King  was  beloved  by 
his  people,  and  that  men  of  very  different  character  would 
now  be  elected  who  would  repair  the  damage  done  by  their 
predecessors. 

20 1 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

D'Andre",  who  was  presiding  when  the  decree  was  pro- 
posed, was  astonished  to  see  that  the  Right  Side,  won  over 
by  the  Court,  was  allying  itself  with  the  Montagne  Party  in 
order  to  pass  it  without  any  discussion.  "  Aux  Voix,  aux 
Voix!"  was  heard  on  all  sides.  He  made  every  effort  to 
calm  this  excitement  and  to  enable  his  supporters  to  speak 
on  the  question,  but  with  no  success,  and  the  decree  was 
carried  unanimously,  those  who  were  the  instruments  of 
their  own  destruction  being  the  most  delighted  at  their 
success. 

The  Constitution  was  now  a  real  "  monster."  There  was 
too  much  republicanism  in  it  to  be  a  monarchy,  and  too 
much  monarchy  about  it  to  be  a  republic.  The  King  was 
an  "  hors  d'ceuvre,"  he  appeared  to  be  everything,  but  in 
reality  was  nothing  at  all. 


202 


CHAPTER  XVII 

CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

i 

O  event  was  ever  of  so  much  interest  to  the 

whole  of  Europe  as  the  convocation  of  the 
States  General.  Farseeing  men  of  sense  en- 
tertained great  hopes  of  the  result  of  this 
public  contest,  which  was  to  be  held  between 
ancient  prejudices  on  the  one  side  and  the  enlightened  ideas 
of  a  new  era  on  the  other.  They  believed  that  a  new  moral 
and  political  world  would  emerge  out  of  the  chaos.  The 
necessity  of  hopefulness  was  felt  so  strongly  that  all  faults 
were  pardoned,  all  misfortunes  regarded  as  accidents,  and 
in  spite  of  all  calamities  the  bias  of  public  opinion  remained 
with  the  constituted  Assembly.  It  was  a  trial  between  the 
cause  of  humanity  and  that  of  despotism. 

Six  weeks  after  convocation  the  States  General  had  be- 
come the  National  Assembly.  Its  first  misfortune  was  that 
it  owed  its  new  title  to  a  revolution,  that  is  to  say  to  a 
change  in  its  powers,  its  substance,  its  title,  and  its  methods. 
The  Commons  were  to  have  acted  in  concert  with  the 
nobility,  the  clergy,  and  the  King,  but  they  subjugated  all 
three  and  acted  independently  of  them,  and  in  opposition 
to  them.  This  was,  in  short,  the  Revolution. 

203 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

One  may  argue  for  ever  as  to  what  brought  it  about,  but 
in  my  opinion  it  was  entirely  and  solely  owing  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  King.  If  a  firm  and  decided  character  had  sat 
on  the  throne  in  the  place  of  Louis  XVI.  the  Revolution 
would  never  have  taken  place.  The  whole  of  his  reign  led 
up  to  it.  But  at  no  time  during  the  course  of  the  first  As- 
sembly might  not  the  King  by  changing  his  character  have 
re-established  his  authority,  and  made  a  solid  and  lasting 
constitution.  His  indecision,  weakness  and  improvidence, 
his  half  measures,  his  doubtful  counsels,  all  contributed  to 
ruin  him.  The  subordinate  causes  which  assisted  in  doing 
this  all  resulted  from  the  original  one.  When  a  prince  is 
feeble  the  courtiers  intrigue,  the  people  become  audacious, 
honest  folk  are  timid,  and  the  most  zealous  followers  are 
discouraged.  Those  who  are  really  capable  are  put  on  one 
side,  and  the  best  advice  is  not  followed.  A  King  with  an 
energetic  and  dignified  character  would  have  attracted  all 
those  who  eventually  went  against  him.  Lafayette,  the 
Lameths,  Mirabeau,  Sieyes,  would  never  even  have  contem- 
plated playing  the  part  they  did,  and  if  they  could  have 
worked  successfully  by  other  methods  their  conduct  would 
have  been  very  different1  After  the  three  orders  had  been 
forcibly  united  the  Assembly  became  all-powerful,  its 

1  All  this  part  requires  developing.  In  England  there  are  discon- 
tented individuals,  but  no  discontented  classes.  The  King,  the  nobility, 
the  gentry,  the  commercial  classes,  manufacturers,  farmers,  the  clergy, 
the  navy,  all  are  proud  of  their  professions,  and  of  the  respect  and  the 
ambitions  which  they  derive  from  it.  In  France,  previous  to  the  Re- 

204 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

methods  were  full  of  faults,  of  which  the  following  were  the 
principal  ones: 

1.  Its  heterogeneous  composition,  all  the  different  parties 
being  too  irritated  with  each  other  ever  to  be  able  to  work 
in  concert.    They  only  tried  to  impede,  hinder,  and  get  the 
better  of  each  other.    The  discontented  ones  often  passed 
violent  decrees  in  hopes  of  discrediting  the  Assembly  in 
the  eyes  of  the  nation.    They  thought  that  by  degrading  it, 
it  would  eventually  destroy  itself. 

2.  The  composition  of  the  Commons,  which  contained 
too  many  men  without  property,  and  lawyers  who  were  in- 
clined to  carry  democratic  principles  too  far. 

3.  The  bad  system  of  debating.    Procedure  is  for  an  As- 

volution,  discontent  invaded  all  classes.  Agriculturists  and  farmers 
were  tired  of  the  inequality  and  arbitrary  nature  of  the  taxes.  Mer- 
chants were  looked  down  on  by  the  nobles ;  the  smaller  aristocracy 
were  jealous  of  the  higher  classes,  who  alone  had  the  right  of  being 
presented  at  Court.  The  "parlements,"  with  their  doubtful  prerogatives, 
were  sometimes  powerful  and  sometimes  ill-used  ;  they  were  threatened 
with  banishment  if  they  resisted  the  government,  and  despised  by  the 
people  if  they  complied  too  easily  with  the  wishes  of  the  Court.  The 
lawyers,  a  numerous  and  ubiquitous  body  of  men,  had  no  scope  for 
their  ambitions  or  hope  of  advancement,  there  was  no  opening  for 
merit  in  a  kingdom  in  which  all  judicial  appointments  were  given  to 
the  highest  bidder. 

There  was  no  connecting  link  between  the  different  orders.  The 
provinces  were  also  divided  into  many  distinct  classes,  which  were  the 
cause  of  hatreds  and  rivalries ;  there  were  fifty  different  organizations 
all  jealous  of  each  other.  The  people,  though  all  subjects  of  the  same 
King,  were  enemies  of  each  other  on  account  of  their  different  rights 
and  privileges. 

205 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

sembly  what  tactics  are  for  an  army;  there  was  as  much 
difference  between  the  deliberations  of  the  National  As- 
sembly and  those  of  the  English  Parliament  as  there  is 
between  the  sieges  and  adroit  advances  of  the  Austrian 
army  and  the  skirmishes  and  irregular  combats  of  the  Croats. 

4.  The  constitutional  decrees  being  put  in  force  directly 
they  were  passed  and  made  immutable. 

5.  The  fear  of  a  counter  revolution.   Everything  that  sug- 
gested the  revival  of  the  Royal  authority  was  regarded  with 
terror. 

6.  Emigration,  which  was  the  greatest  mistake  of  all ;  the 
King  was  weakened  by  this  desertion,  and  the  emigres  by 
their  intrigues,  by  their  protestations,  and  the  anxieties  they 
caused,  excited  a  reaction  of  feeling  against  them. 

7.  The  institution  of  the  Jacobin  society  and  its  offshoots. 
The  people  were  irritated  by  these  societies,  which  became 
eventually  the  rivals  of  the  National  Assembly.   They  were 
hotbeds  of  venomous  plants  which  could  not  have  ripened 
without  their  aid. 

8.  The  false  tactics  of  the  Court,  which  at  first  wished  to 
act  in  opposition  to  the  Assembly,  and  then,  too  late,  at- 
tempted to  make  its  influence  felt  within  its  walls.    In  this 
respect  M.  Necker  showed  an  amount  of  caution  that  may 
have  been  meritorious  to  him  as  an  individual,  but  which 
showed  much  ignorance  as  a  minister.    He  never  knew  how 
to  gain  the  attachment  of  any  party;  he  could  not  agree 
with  Mirabeau,  and  did  not  understand  how  to  flatter  Sieyes 
and  win  him  over  to  his  side. 

206 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

9.  The  secession  of  the  Right  side,  who  refused  to  vote 
in  the  Assembly  after  the  return  of  the  King  from  Varennes, 
and  whilst  he  was  kept  in  captivity.  Their  inaction  paralyzed 
the  efforts  of  the  Moderates  on  the  revolutionary  side,  who 
were  not  numerous  enough  to  resist  the  "  Montagne."  I  f  they 
had  joined  their  forces  to  those  of  Mallouet  and  the  Lameths 
it  would  still  have  been  possible  to  alter  the  Constitution. 

This  assembly,  which  had  opened  with  so  much  splendour, 
closed  in  obscurity,  and  after  the  King's  return  contrived  to 
drag  on  its  existence  in  a  state  of  combined  defiance  and 
contempt.  After  it  realized  the  consequences  of  its  excesses 
it  tried  to  moderate  them,  but  it  lost  the  ascendancy  it  had 
formerly  possessed  owing  to  its  want  of  initiative;  it  ap- 
peared to  be  taking  back  the  powers  it  had  itself  given  to 
the  people,  and  seemed  to  reproach  itself  for  its  own 
measures,  and  only  to  pass  them  with  disinclination  and 
remorse. 

Nothing  was  more  brilliant  than  its  d^but,  and  nothing 
more  pitiful  than  its  end. 

The  Assembly  might  well  regret  that  it  had  not  followed 
the  counsels  it  had  received  of  only  decreeing  laws  pro- 
visionally, till  they  could  all  be  compared  together,  and 
that  it  had  not  reserved  to  itself  the  right  of  subsequently 
modifying  them. 

By  pursuing  the  opposite  course  mistakes  became  ir- 
remediable, and  the  effect  of  a  bad  law  was  to  produce 
others  still  worse. 

Revision,  which  should  have  been  an  affair  of  arrangement 

207 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  method,  would  have  been  most  important  if  the  As- 
sembly had  kept  its  independence  on  all  subjects. 

It  would  have  brought  all  the  mature  experience  which 
it  had  acquired  during  the  three  years  of  its  existence  to 
the  work;  but  in  its  ignorant  presumption  it  had  declared 
itself  infallible,  and  had  made  any  improvements  on  its 
labours  an  impossibility.  One  might  say  that  on  passing 
every  law  the  framers  of  it  burned  their  ships  and  destroyed 
all  means  of  escape. 

The  fact  was,  that  every  law  that  was  passed  was  a  party 
triumph,  and  that  therefore  no  hope  was  left  to  the  defeated 
side  of  regaining  their  losses.  The  result  of  these  violent 
measures,  which  were  declared  immutable,  was  to  bring 
about  a  revolution  which  destroyed  them  all  at  the  end  of 
eight  months. 

I  will  instance  one  proof  of  the  defect  of  this  system. 
The  committee  which  was  revising  the  code  of  the  con- 
stitutional laws  found  itself  in  the  greatest  difficulty  as  to 
the  framing  and  enacting  of  them.  Twenty  unsuccessful 
attempts  were  proposed  and  rejected.  Everyone  who  could 
be  consulted  was  pressed  into  the  service,  but  for  four  or 
five  weeks  nothing  but  chaos  was  the  result.  At  last  M. 
Ramond,  a  friend  of  Lafayette,  proposed  an  arrangement 
that  was  afterwards  adopted. 

I  have  completed,  with  more  patience  than  I  thought  I 
possessed,  the  story  of  my  intimacy  with  Mirabeau,  and  my 
recollections  of  the  first  period  of  the  French  Revolution. 

It  is  the  most  interesting  part,  and  yet  it  is  so  in  only  a 

208 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

slight  degree ;  I  must  have  been  a  very  unobservant  spec- 
tator, or  perhaps  my  memory  is  a  very  poor  one.  That  all 
these  events  that  took  place  before  me,  all  the  gallery  of 
actors  in  them  with  whom  I  passed  my  days  should  have 
left  such  slight  impressions  upon  my  mind,  is  a  just  subject 
of  reproach  to  me ;  it  is  the  result  of  my  indifference  to  the 
importance  of  events  whilst  they  are  passing  before  my 
eyes.  It  is  only  afterwards  that  I  perceive  their  importance. 
I  must  own  that  I  may  be  accused  of  stupidity  as  to  this, 
but  it  is  the  only  excuse  I  can  give  for  the  little  that  remains 
in  my  memory  of  these  stirring  scenes. 

It  has  always  been  the  same  with  me,  in  all  the  houses 
that  I  have  lived  in  I  was  always  the  last  to  discover  what 
was  going  on,  and  if  some  family  event  took  place  it  had  to 
be  told  me,  I  never  should  have  guessed  it  by  myself.  I  have 
no  love  of  confidences,  and  secrets  have  no  attraction  for  me. 

But  as  to  the  second  part,  on  which  I  am  now  about  to 
enter,  I  have  still  less  to  record,  my  recollections  are  very 
scattered,  and  the  sequence  of  them  is  often  broken. 

I  have  forgotten  much,  and,  what  is  still  more  irreparable, 
I  have  not  profited  by  the  singular  circumstances  in  which 
I  was  placed,  and  in  which  I  could  with  very  little  trouble 
to  myself  have  easily  obtained  much  information. 

I  never  could  bring  myself  to  ask  what  was  not  freely  im- 
parted to  me.  It  is  true  that  I  never  employed  "  torture," 
and  that  therefore  the  knowledge  I  have  and  can  testify  to 
was  given  to  me  voluntarily  and  openly. 


209 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

IN  LONDON 

ETION  was  the  first  to  arrive  in  England 
after  the  close  of  the  Assembly.  I  had 
known  him  too  well  in  Paris  for  it  to  be 
possible  for  me  not  to  see  him  also  in 
London,  but  he  was  so  sought  after  and 
well  received  by  one  portion  of  the  public,  that  it  was 
rarely  that  I  had  the  luck  to  find  myself  in  his  company. 
He  received  the  most  flattering  attentions  and  was  laden 
with  invitations.  He  said  that  he  had  come  to  England  to 
observe  the  proceedings  of  juries  in  both  criminal  and  civil 
trials.  He  did  not  understand  English,  but  a  barrister  who 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  French  language  offered  to 
accompany  him.  The  day  was  fixed,  but  Potion  did  not 
keep  the  engagement.  He  was  amusing  himself  by  show- 
ng  the  sights  of  London  to  one  of  his  friends,  who  had 
just  arrived. 

A  short  time  afterwards,  D'Andre  took  refuge  in  London. 
Brissot  most  pitilessly  attacked  him  in  the  "  Patriote,"  and 
accused  him  of  being  a  member  of  the  King's  Civil  List. 

If  D'Andr6  had  received  any  royal  favours  he  did  not 
make  any  ostentatious  use  of  them.  After  the  closing  of 

210 


LE    PRINCE   TALLEYRAND 


IN  LONDON 

the  Assembly,  though  he  was  of  noble  birth,  he  had  the 
good  sense  to  join  a  house  of  business,  and  he  opened  a 
grocer's  shop  in  Paris.  This  proceeding,  which  was  a 
popular  one,  and  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
ought  to  have  disarmed  Brissot's  malice,  but  he  was  a  man 
in  whom  party  spirit  is  stronger  than  any  other  feeling. 
He  had  in  a  strong  degree  the  zeal  of  the  fanatic.  If  he 
had  been  a  Capucin  monk  he  would  have  loved  his  staff 
and  his  vermin,  or  as  a  Dominican  he  would  have  burnt 
heretics  with  pleasure,  or  if  he  had  been  a  Roman  citizen 
he  would  have  been  a  worthy  follower  of  Cato  and  Regulus ; 
as  a  French  republican  he  wished  to  destroy  the  monarchy, 
and  with  this  object  in  view  he  indulged  in  every  persecu- 
tion and  calumny,  and  would  have  enjoyed  perishing  on 
the  scaffold  himself  if  by  so  doing  his  object  was  accom- 
plished. 

I  had  known  D'Andre  at  Versailles,  but  I  had  hardly 
ever  seen  him  in  Paris,  but  during  the  two  or  three  years 
he  lived  in  England  I  knew  him  well.  Possessed  of  much 
talent  and  quick  intuition,  without  being  an  orator,  he 
had  much  facility  of  expression  and  clearness  of  ideas. 
All  this  combined  to  make  him  a  clever  and  industrious 
politician  in  the  National  Assembly,  and  a  good  man  of 
business  in  his  private  affairs.  He  was  affectionate,  gener- 
ous, easy  and  simple  in  his  manners,  modest  and  shy  in 
society  to  such  a  degree  that  though  he  was  four  times 
President  of  the  Assembly,  and  has  so  often  spoken  before 
all  that  is  greatest  in  France,  he  was  disconcerted  and  at  a 

211 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

loss  to  sustain  an  argument  or  a  conversation  with  three  or 
four  private  individuals.  What  was  wanting  in  him  was 
any  appearance  of  dignity,  his  insignificant  figure  did  not 
at  first  sight  give  the  impression  of  the  talent  and  "finesse" 
he  possessed,  not  to  mention  his  real  merit  and  goodness 
of  heart. 

I  cannot  now  remember  the  exact  date  of  M.  de  Talley- 
rand's arrival  in  London.  It  was  not  possible  for  him  to 
come  on  a  public  mission,  as  the  Assembly  had  passed  a 
decree  which  removed  from  all  its  members  the  right  to  be 
employed  during  the  next  two  years  in  an  official  capacity. 
However,  he  came  on  a  "journey  of  observation,"  which  was 
practically  the  same  thing,  established  relations  with  the 
ministers  and  disposed  them  to  consider  the  King  of  France 
in  a  new  and  constitutional  light,  and  persuaded  them  to 
keep  England's  neutrality  intact  in  case  of  the  war,  which 
was  now  considered  to  be  inevitable,  breaking  out  on  the 
continent.  I  had  not  known  the  Bishop  of  Autun  in  Paris, 
but  we  had  a  sort  of  informal  acquaintance  with  each  other, 
and  he  had  not  been  long  in  London  before  he  made 
me  the  advances  which  it  was  his  place  to  be  the  first 
to  offer.  He  had  been  particularly  recommended  to  the 
notice  of  Lord  Lansdowne,  and  his  distinguished  reputa- 
tion in  politics  made  his  company  eagerly  sought  after  by 
those  who  were  not  already  prejudiced  against  every- 
thing and  everybody  at  all  connected  with  the  French 
Revolution. 

M.  de  Talleyrand  was  descended  from  one  of  the  oldest 

212 


IN  LONDON 

governing  families  of  France.  They  had  originally  been 
reigning  princes.  He  was  the  eldest  of  three  brothers,  but 
as  he  had  been  lame  from  his  childhood  he  had  not  been 
thought  worthy  to  play  a  part  in  worldly  affairs,  and  there- 
fore was  destined  for  the  Church,  though  he  was  a  man 
without  any  tendencies  that  might  render  this  state  of  life 
in  the  Roman  communion  even  tolerable.  I  have  often 
heard  him  say  that,  despised  as  he  was  by  his  parents  as  a 
poor  wretched  creature  who  was  fit  for  nothing,  he  had 
developed  from  early  years  a  taciturn  and  gloomy  temper. 
He  had  never  slept  under  the  same  roof  as  his  father  and 
mother,  and  was  made  to  resign  his  rights  of  primogeniture 
in  favour  of  his  second  brother.  When  he  was  at  the 
seminary  he  lived  in  a  very  small  circle,  and  his  habitual 
melancholy  had  made  him  unsociable,  and  this  gave  him 
the  reputation  of  being  proud. 

Condemned  to  belong  to  the  Church,  he  did  not  acquire 
its  sentiments  or  character  any  more  than  did  the  Cardinal 
of  Retz  and  many  others.  He  even  transgressed  the  in- 
dulgence that  is  usually  conceded  to  those  of  youth  and 
good  birth,  and  his  morals  were  far  from  being  of  a  clerical 
nature.  But  he  knew  how  to  observe  the  "  biense"ances," 
and  whatever  his  habits  were,  no  one  knew  better  than  he 
did  what  to  talk  about  and  what  to  keep  to  himself. 

I  do  not  know  if  he  may  not  have  had  a  wish  to  impose 
on  people  by  an  appearance  of  reserve  and  depth.  At  first 
he  was  very  difficult  of  access;  he  was  distant  and  spoke 
little,  but  listened  with  much  attention.  His  features  were 

213 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

rather  puffy,  and  his  physiognomy  gave  one  an  impression 
of  effeminacy,  but  a  powerful  and  sonorous  voice  contrasted 
with  this  appearance.  English  people  who  have  a  general 
and  prepossessed  idea  as  to  the  French  character  did  not 
find  in  him  any  of  the  vivacity,  familiarity,  or  gaiety  which 
they  imagine  belong  to  his  nation.  A  sententious  manner, 
a  cold  politeness,  an  air  of  criticism,  these  were  the  walls 
with  which  he  surrounded  himself  in  his  diplomatic  char- 
acter. In  his  more  intimate  circle  he  was  very  different; 
he  gave  himself  up  to  the  pleasures  of  conversation,  of 
which  he  was  particularly  fond,  and  sat  up  late  at  night 
in  order  to  prolong  his  enjoyment  of  it.  He  had  a  familiar 
and  friendly  manner,  was  full  of  small  attentions  and  was 
very  easy  to  get  on  with.  He  wished  to  be  amusing  in 
order  to  be  amused  himself.  He  never  spoke  in  a  hurry, 
but  chose  his  expressions  carefully  and  made  subtle  remarks 
that  were  only  understood  by  those  who  were  accustomed 
to  hearing  them. 

He  was  the  author  of  the  "  mot "  which  has  been  quoted 
by  Champfort.  Rulhiere  said,  "  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  why 
I  have  such  a  bad  reputation,  as  I  have  only  committed 
one  sin  in  the  whole  of  my  life." 

The  Bishop  of  Autun,  who  as  yet  had  not  joined  in  the 
conversation,  said  with  emphasis  in  his  sonorous  voice, 
"  When  will  that  one  come  to  an  end  ?  " 

One  evening,  whilst  playing  at  whist,  the  conversation 
turned  on  a  lady  of  sixty  who  had  just  married  a  valet  de 
chambre,  and  much  surprise  was  expressed  at  her  conduct. 

214 


IN  LONDON 

The  Bishop,  who  was  counting  his  tricks,  remarked,  "  After 
nine,  honours  don't  count."  This  style  of  wit,  which  he 
much  affected,  resembled  that  of  Fontenelle,  for  whose 
writings  he  had  a  great  liking. 

He  told  me  of  an  infamous  action  of  a  colleague  of  his 
at  which  I  was  horrified.  "  The  man  who  could  do  that,"  I 
said,  "  would  be  capable  of  assassination."  "  Hardly  that,  I 
think,"  he  said  coolly,  "  but  of  poisoning,  certainly." 

His  conversation  and  manner  of  telling  anecdotes  was  a 
model  of  good  taste.  Born  as  he  was  to  grace  a  position  of 
luxury  and  importance,  and  in  spite  of  his  indolence  and 
sensuality,  he  yet  could  accustom  himself  to  a  simple  life 
full  of  privations,  and  he  shared  with  his  friends  the  only 
part  of  his  resources  which  was  saved  and  which  consisted 
of  the  remains  of  a  very  fine  library.  This  was  sold  for  far 
less  than  it  was  worth  owing  to  the  strong  feeling  there  was 
against  him  in  London,  which  prevented  many  purchasers 
from  coming  forward. 

Talleyrand  had  not  come  to  London  with  an  empty  port- 
folio; he  had  a  long  interview  with  Lord  Grenville,  and 
I  saw  the  account  which  he  wrote  of  his  conversation  with 
him.  Its  object  was  to  point  out  to  England  the  advantages 
that  would  accrue  to  her  from  the  Revolution  in  France  by 
establishing  in  that  country  a  constitutional  sovereign  and 
by  tightening  the  links  that  joined  the  two  Courts  together, 
for  though  the  government  of  Great  Britain  was  not  dis- 
posed in  case  of  war  to  abandon  its  attitude  of  neutrality,  it 
was  at  the  same  time  full  of  reserve  in  its  relations  with 

215 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

France,  and  did  not  sympathize  with  the  new  order  of 
things,  and  had  no  belief  in  the  stability  of  the  Constitution. 
This  coolness  of  the  Court  of  St.  James's  made  the  Tuileries 
anxious,  and  Talleyrand's  object  was  to  draw  them  together, 
or  if  he  could  not  do  this  at  least  to  assure  himself  that 
there  was  nothing  to  fear  from  the  English  Court.  Lord 
Grenville  had  been  very  distant,  and  had  not  responded  to 
any  of  the  advances  made  by  Talleyrand.  It  was  known 
that  he  had  talked  of  him  as  a  deep  and  dangerous  man. 
Talleyrand  had  known  Mr.  Pitt ;  while  he  was  very  young 
he  had  stayed  for  a  short  time  in  France  with  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Rheims,  who  was  Talleyrand's  uncle.  They  had 
passed  some  weeks  together  in  rather  an  intimate  way, 
but  when  they  met  again  Talleyrand  considered  that  it  was 
for  Pitt  to  remind  him  of  the  circumstances  and  therefore 
made  no  allusion  to  their  former  acquaintance.  Pitt,  who 
was  not  anxious  for  any  renewal  of  his  friendship,  was  very 
careful  to  forget  the  uncle,  from  whom  he  had  received 
hospitality,  in  order  not  to  be  obliged  to  show  his  nephew 
any  special  politeness,  and  therefore  he  did  not  even  allude 
to  him  during  their  first  and  only  interview. 

When  he  was  presented  at  Court,  the  King  paid  him 
little  attention,  and  the  Queen  received  him  still  more 
coldly,  and  turned  her  back  on  him  with  marked  contempt. 
This  treatment  was  due  to  the  immoral  reputation  of  the 
bishop.  From  that  moment  the  great  world  followed  the 
example  of  the  Court,  and  Talleyrand  found  himself  almost 
excluded  from  society,  and  was  looked  on  as  a  dangerous 

216 


IN  LONDON 

man,  the  agent  of  a  faction  only  of  the  French  nation, 
whom  it  was  not  possible  to  send  about  his  business,  but 
whom  it  was  not  well  to  receive  with  any  respect.  He 
could  not  promise  himself  much  success  from  a  mission 
begun  under  these  auspices. 

In  the  course  of  the  month  of  February,  1792,  Talley- 
rand learnt  from  his  Paris  correspondents  that  changes 
were  going  to  take  place  in  the  Government,  and  that  his 
friend  Louis  de  Narbonne,  who  was  at  that  time  Minister 
for  War,  was  tottering  in  his  place.  He  therefore  asked  per- 
mission to  return  to  Paris,  and  decided  to  take  Duroverai 
with  him.  He  had  made  his  acquaintance  through  me,  and 
thought  that  his  counsels  would  be  useful  to  him.  Duroverai 
was  most  anxious  to  maintain  good  relations  between  the 
two  nations,  and  flattered  himself  that  his  friendship  with 
Talleyrand  might  conduce  to  this  object,  and  that  it  would 
be  considered  in  a  favourable  light  by  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain.  He  had  made  great  friends  with  Lord 
Sidney,  and  with  some  other  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and 
endeavoured  by  his  intimacy  with  them  to  combat  the  pre- 
judice which  they  had  formed  against  Talleyrand.  There- 
fore his  intervention  was  of  advantage  to  both  sides,  and 
he  thought  himself  called  upon  to  be  a  sort  of  unofficial  me- 
diator between  the  two  governments.  Talleyrand  required 
him  in  Paris  in  order  that  he  should  confirm  him  in  his 
statements  to  Claviere,  Brissot,  and  many  others  as  to  the 
feeling  in  England,  about  which  they  had  conceived  false 
ideas.  He  thought  they  were  more  likely  to  listen  to  an 

217 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

old  friend  like  Duroverai  than  to  himself,  as  they  might 
suspect  his  personal  interest  in  the  matter.  Duroverai's 
opinion  was  a  passport  or  letter  of  credit  for  Talleyrand  to 
present  to  the  popular  party.  It  was  also  for  these  reasons 
that  they  begged  me  to  accompany  them,  and  I  did  not 
require  much  pressing  in  order  to  do  so. 

This  expedition,  which  was  only  to  have  lasted  for  fifteen 
days,  lasted  for  more  than  six  weeks,  and  gave  me  much 
pleasure.  I  had  followed  the  proceedings  of  the  first  As- 
sembly too  closely  not  to  wish  keenly  to  see  the  second. 
It  was  an  interesting  episode  in  my  now  monotonous  life. 
If  I  could  join  my  voice  to  theirs  and  by  so  doing  dissipate 
the  prejudices  of  our  friends  on  the  subject  of  England, 
and  could  make  them  feel  the  necessity  of  using  a  little 
tact  in  order  to  preserve  peace,  it  would  give  a  greater 
value  to  what  would  otherwise  have  only  been  a  pleasure 
excursion,  and  would  associate  me  with  a  great  political 
movement.  I  was  intimately  acquainted  with  Condorcet, 
Claviere,  and  Petion,  all  of  whom  it  was  essential  to  in- 
fluence in  order  to  induce  them  to  work  together  for  the 
same  object. 


218 


BRISSOT 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

E,  therefore,  started  on  our  journey,  which 
was  a  most  agreeable  one  for  me.  Talley- 
rand held  a  kind  of  little  reception  inside 
the  carriage;  in  this  way  he  enjoyed  an 
uninterrupted  and  intimate  conversation. 
We  discussed  all  our  plans,  hopes  and  opinions  at  length, 
and  we  never  passed  a  dull  quarter  of  an  hour.  He  related 
the  most  amusing  anecdotes ;  amongst  others  he  told  us  the 
way  in  which  he  had  consecrated  the  new  clergy.  It  was 
necessary  to  have  three  bishops  for  this  ceremony,  but  his 
two  colleagues  had  hesitated  up  to  the  last  moment  as  to 
officiating  at  it.  The  means  that  he  used  in  order  to  decide 
one  of  them  to  do  this  were  far  from  orthodox.  The  Bishop 
of  Lido  told  him  that  the  Bishop  of  Babylon  was  very 
shaky  about  it,  upon  which  Talleyrand  paid  him  a  visit, 
and  told  him  that  their  colleague,  the  Bishop  of  Lida,  was 
going  to  abandon  them ;  that  he  must  know  that  if  this 
was  the  case,  it  would  expose  them  to  the  wrath  of  the 
people,  and  that  for  his  part  he  had  taken  the  resolution 
not  to  risk  being  stoned  by  the  populace,  and  whilst  saying 
this  he  drew  from  his  pocket  a  small  pistol,  with  which  he 

219 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

said  he  meant  to  shoot  himself  in  the  event  of  either  of  his 
two  coadjutors  refusing  to  act  with  him.  This  threat  had 
the  desired  effect  The  installing  of  the  clergy  effected  by 
armed  forced  was,  in  my  opinion,  rather  an  unscrupulous 
proceeding,  but  if  one  considers  what  a  dangerous  position 
the  Bishop  of  Autun  was  in,  and  in  what  a  difficulty  he 
was  placed  if  the  weakness  of  his  colleagues  had  prevented 
the  consecration  of  the  new  clergy  from  taking  place,  one 
must  pardon  the  necessity  for  such  conduct,  which,  after  all, 
was  the  means  of  preventing  much  bloodshed. 

On  the  pth  of  March  we  arrived  in  Paris,  and  a  friend  of 
M.  de  Talleyrand's  stopped  our  carriage  in  order  to  tell  us 
that  M.  de  Narbonne  had  been  dismissed  by  the  Court; 
everyone  was  surprised  at  the  King  being  still  strong 
enough  to  dare  to  dismiss  anyone.  M.  de  Narbonne's  dis- 
grace was  caused  by  his  union  with  the  Girondins.  His 
place  was  filled  by  De  Graves. 

I  lost  no  time  in  putting  myself  au  courant  of  the  state 
of  affairs.  There  were  now  three  parties  in  the  Assembly, 
all  swearing  by  the  Constitution,  but  all  of  them  dissatisfied 
with  it.  The  real  constitutional  party,  of  whom  Vaublanc 
was  the  head,  was  accused  of  secretly  wishing  to  extend 
the  royal  authority  by  forming  two  chambers;  he,  in  his 
turn,  accused  the  Girondistes  of  conspiring  against  the 
Constitution,  and  of  wishing  to  form  a  republic. 

The  Girondistes  accused  the  extreme  party,  "  la  Mon- 
tagne,"  of  spreading  anarchy  in  order  to  make  both  parties 
unpopular;  the  Montagne  accused  the  Constitutionalists  of 

220 


THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

having  been  bought  by  the  King,  etc.  In  short,  the  hatreds, 
accusations  and  exaggerations  were  at  their  highest  pitch ; 
no  one  could  have  any  idea  of  the  passions  that  existed  in 
this  legislative  Assembly. 

The  "  Moderantins,"  as  the  first  party  was  called,  were 
the  most  honest ;  the  Girondistes  had  the  greatest  talents, 
knowledge  and  eloquence  on  their  side;  the  "Montagne" 
were  audacious  and  violent,  and  had  all  the  sympathies  of 
the  populace  of  the  faubourgs. 

There  were  two  principal  clubs,  one  the  "  Feuillans," 
which  held  by  the  Constitution,  the  other  the  "  Jacobins," 
whose  inclinations  leant  towards  anarchy.  The  Giron- 
distes wavered  between  the  two,  and  were  alternately 
attached  to  either  of  them  according  to  circumstances,  but 
they  were  separated  from  the  Feuillans  by  their  opinions, 
though  they  feared  the  Jacobins  on  account  of  their  ex- 
cesses. The  King  was  governed  by  the  "  Feuillans,"  the 
Lameths,  Barnave  and  their  friends,  who  were  at  the  head 
of  this  party,  and  were  then  as  much  the  enemies  of  the 
majority  of  the  legislative  Assembly  as  they  had  been  of 
the  Court.  They  only  thought  of  ridiculing  it,  and  bring- 
ing it  into  contempt,  and  this  was  not  difficult,  though  it 
conduced  to  incite  it  to  still  greater  violences.  They  had 
caused  the  dismissal  of  M.  de  Narbonne  on  account  of  his 
devotion  to  the  Girondistes,  and  his  attachment  to  them 
had  made  him  equally  suspected  by  the  Jacobins. 

I  became  intimate  with  the  Girondistes  owing  to  my 
friendship  with  Condorcet,  Brissot,  and  Claviere.  They 

221 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

introduced  me  to  a  Madame  d'Odun  who  gave  breakfast 
parties  in  the  rue  Vendome.  These  gatherings  were  gener- 
ally composed  of  Brissot,  Claviere,  Roederer,  Gensonn6, 
Guadet,  Vergniaud,  Condorcet,  the  Ducots,  etc.  They  at- 
tended them  before  going  to  the  Assembly,  and  concocted 
their  plans  there,  and  as  one  may  imagine,  more  talk  and 
gossip  took  place  at  them  than  any  serious  business.  Brissot 
was  the  wirepuller,  and  his  activity  was  equal  to  everything. 
Their  great  object  was  to  control  the  Court  by  denouncing 
the  influence  of  the  Austrian  committee.  This  committee 
was  a  kind  of  invisible  power,  and  anything  and  everything 
was  attributed  to  its  machinations.  It  was  known  that  the 
King  was  advised  by  it,  that  it  had  secret  conferences 
with  the  Queen,  that  messengers  were  sent  to  Vienna  and 
Coblentz,  and  that  all  its  ambassadors  were  of  the  "  ancien 
regime"  and  had  only  consented  to  the  Constitution  in 
spite  of  themselves.  In  one  word,  it  had  a  constitutional 
appearance,  but  was  in  reality  anti-constitutional. 

The  more  one  knows  about  the  history  of  this  period,  the 
more  one  perceives  that  the  Court  was  really  under  a  mask ; 
the  King  alone  showed  his  face  openly,  and  then  only  in 
profile,  and  it  is  certain  that  if  he  could  have  modified  the 
Constitution  he  would  have  done  so.  In  this  he  would  have 
been  excusable,  as  all  thoughtful  men  were  now  agreed  that 
it  did  not  fulfil  the  first  object  of  a  good  government,  namely, 
the  preservation  of  the  public  peace. 

The  Girondistes  were  persuaded  that  there  was  a  secret 
somewhere,  a  plot  between  the  Courts,  and  wished  to  unmask 

222 


THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

it,  and  with  this  object  they  tried  to  form  a  ministry  chosen 
by  themselves  who  could  penetrate  into  the  intrigue  and 
ruin  it. 

The  ambition  to  rule  was  at  the  bottom  of  this,  and  be- 
sides, they  felt  the  necessity  of  possessing  power  in  order  to 
oppose  the  Jacobins  and  Robespierre  who  were  beginning 
to  make  them  very  anxious.  Such  are  the  consequences  of 
the  abuse  of  politics!  If  one  is  feared  one  must  also  be 
powerful,  in  order  to  protect  oneself.  One  must  either 
triumph  or  perish! 

M.  de  Lessart,  the  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  was  an 
honest  man,  but  more  attached  to  the  old  regime  than 
the  new.  The  Girondistes  wished  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  his 
correspondence  with  M.  de  Noailles,  who  was  the  French 
Ambassador  at  Vienna,  gave  them  an  excuse  for  doing  so. 
The  diplomatic  committee,  having  seen  the  documents,  were 
loud  in  their  abuse ;  M.  de  Noailles,  they  said,  had  allowed 
France  to  be  insulted,  he  had  given  in  to  the  contemptuous 
pride  of  the  Prince  de  Kaunitz,  and  M.  de  Lessart,  instead 
of  writing  in  a  dignified  tone,  which  would  have  been  suit- 
able to  the  occasion,  appeared  rather  to  instigate  M.  de 
Noailles  to  further  forbearance,  and  appeared  to  apologize 
for  the  constitution,  when  as  a  minister  of  the  King  he 
ought  to  have  spoken  strongly  in  its  favour. 

M.  de  Lessart  had  received  orders  from  the  committee  to 
ask  for  an  explanation  of  some  of  the  phrases  used  by  the 
Prince  de  Kaunitz.  This  explanation  was  sent,  but  was  far 
from  satisfactory.  It  was  a  violent  attack  on  the  Jacobin 

223 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

party,  whose  excesses  were  represented  as  bringing  con- 
tempt on  the  majesty  of  the  King,  and  whose  example  was 
a  dangerous  one  for  the  rest  of  Europe  to  follow.  This 
answer,  which  was  thought  to  have  been  arranged  between 
M.  de  Lessart  and  the  King,  made  him  still  more  unpopular, 
and  set  the  Jabobins  on  a  pedestal.  They  now  left  their 
position  of  obscurity  and  received  the  attention  of  Royalty. 
M.  de  Lessart,  bewildered  by  the  complaints  of  the  com- 
mittee, thought  he  would  evade  the  storm  by  tendering 
his  resignation.  But  Brissot  prepared  an  act  of  accusation 
against  him,  and  M.  de  Lessart  was  sent  to  Orleans  to 
be  tried  by  the  National  High  Court  of  Justice. 

I  listened  in  the  committee  to  the  reading  of  this  Act, 
which  contained  seventeen  or  eighteen  charges  against 
him ;  I  said  nothing  at  the  time,  but  when  I  was  alone  with 
Brissot  and  Claviere  I  represented  to  them  that  these  com- 
plaints were  couched  in  such  contradictory  and  vague 
terms,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  refute  them,  that  they 
were  insincere  and  were  calculated  to  produce  much  bad 
feeling  against  the  accused,  and  that  such  injurious  expres- 
sions ought  not  to  be  employed  in  a  judicial  accusation. 
Indignant  as  I  was  at  this  composition  I  was  made  still 
more  so  by  Brissot's  answer ;  he  smiled  in  a  sardonic 
manner,  and  seemed  amused  at  my  simplicity.  "  This  is  a 
party  move,"  he  said ;  "  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  de 
Lessart  should  be  sent  to  Orleans,  otherwise  the  King,  who 
is  much  attached  to  him,  will  re-instate  him  in  the  ministry ; 
we  wish  to  steal  a  march  on  the  Jacobins,  and  this  accusa- 

224 


THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

tion  will  give  us  the  credit  of  having  done  what  they 
wished  to  do  themselves.  I  know  that  these  complaints  are 
multiplied  unnecessarily,  but  that  is  inevitable  in  order  to 
spin  out  the  trial.  Garand  de  Coulon,  who  is  head  of  the 
National  Court,  is  a  very  fussy  lawyer  who  will  sift  all  these 
questions  one  after  the  other  at  great  length,  and  it  will  be 
six  months  at  least  before  de  Lessart  will  be  free.  I  know 
he  will  be  acquitted,  because  we  only  have  suspicions  but 
no  proofs,  but  we  shall  have  gained  our  object  in  getting 
him  out  of  the  government." 

"Good  Lord!"  I  said,  disgusted  with  his  odious  levity, 
"  you  are  steeped  in  Machiavellism  to  the  depths  of  your 
nature;  are  you  the  same  man  who  was,  I  always  thought, 
the  enemy  of  all  underhand  tricks?  Is  this  really  Brissot 
who  is  about  to  persecute  an  innocent  man?" 

"But,"  he  answered,  somewhat  disconcerted  by  my 
remarks,  "  you  do  not  understand  the  position  we  are  in ;  de 
Lessart  is  ruining  us,  we  must  get  rid  of  him  at  all  costs  ;  it 
is  only  a  temporary  measure ;  I  rely  on  Garand's  integrity, 
but  we  must  save  France,  and  we  can  only  destroy  the 
power  of  the  Austrian  cabinet  by  putting  a  safe  man  into 
foreign  affairs.  However,  I  will  think  over  your  remarks  and 
will  remove  the  injurious  expressions,  which  you  are  right  in 
blaming." 

From  this  moment  I  could  no  longer  look  on  Brissot 
with  the  same  respect.  I  did  not  quarrel  with  him,  but  my 
friendship  with  him  was  weakened  by  the  loss  of  my  esteem. 
I  had  known  him  full  of  generosity  and  candour;  now  he 

225  Q 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

had  become  an  insidious  persecutor!  If  his  conscience  ever 
reproached  him  (for  Brissot  was  a  moral  and  religious 
man)  he  stifled  it  by  pretending  that  what  he  had  done 
was  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  State. 

It  is  in  factious  times  like  these  that  one  appreciates  the 
accuracy  of  Helvetius's  ideas  as  to  what  constitutes  virtue. 
Brissot  was  faithful  to  his  party  but  faithless  to  truth.  He 
acted  from  a  feeling  of  enthusiasm,  to  which  he  would  have 
sacrificed  himself,  and  because  he  was  not  actuated  by 
pecuniary  cupidity  or  by  love  of  power,  he  imagined  his 
motives  to  be  pure  and  virtuous.  "  Look,"  he  said,  "  at  my 
modest  establishment,  my  simple  fare,  which  would  be 
worthy  of  a  Spartan,  observe  my  domestic  habits,  see  if 
you  can  find  any  reason  to  reproach  me  with  any  dissipa- 
tion or  frivolity ;  why,  for  the  last  two  years  I  have  never 
even  entered  a  theatre."  This  was  the  foundation  of  his  self- 
confidence.  He  did  not  perceive  that  party  zeal  and  love 
of  power,  hatred,  pride,  etc.,  are  just  as  corrupting  in  their 
influences  as  the  love  of  money  or  the  taste  for  pleasure. 

The  denunciation  of  de  Lessart  had  all  the  effect  that 
the  Girondistes  looked  for. 

Their  power  was  now  self-evident,  and  every  one  looked 
on  them  as  all-powerful.  The  King,  terrified  by  this,  threw 
himself  on  their  protection.  De  Graves,  the  senior  member 
of  the  King's  council,  now  only  dared  to  act  under  their  ad- 
vice. They  therefore  selected  Dumouriez,  Claviere,  Roland, 
Lacoste,  and  Duranton  for  the  ministry. 

I  had  known  Graves  in  London,  and  therefore  called 

226 


THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

on  him  at  the  "  Hotel  de  la  Guerre,"  where  he  received  me 
with  much  cordiality.  "  When  we  took  a  walk  together  in 
Kensington  Gardens,"  he  said,  "we  neither  of  us  ever 
thought  I  should  be  in  the  Government.  I  have  only  con- 
sented to  take  this  place  as  a  means  of  acquiring  more 
experience  of  affairs  and  of  men.  I  have  no  ambition ;  I 
don't  care  either  for  money  or  for  power;  I  only  want  to 
see  what  I  can  do  as  a  modest  and  disinterested  man,  who 
has  no  other  object  in  view  than  the  welfare  of  the  public." 
I  thought  him  rather  long-winded  and  foolish  in  dilating 
so  much  on  his  moderation,  etc.,  but  he  was  genuinely 
astonished  at  finding  himself  in  such  a  position,  a  feeling 
that  was  fully  shared  by  his  friends. 

Nobody  was  less  suited  to  be  a  member  of  such  a  stormy 
ministry.  His  motives  were  pure  and  his  honesty  above 
reproach ;  he  had  no  party  passions,  but  he  was  weak,  both 
in  body  and  mind.  He  was  hard  working,  but  wanting  in 
character  and  strength  of  will.  Madame  Roland  alludes  to 
him  in  her  Memoirs  with  the  most  unmerited  contempt;  she 
only  looked  on  him  as  a  little  society  wit,  a  "  ministre  de 
toilette";  his  amiability,  kindness,  and  politeness  seemed 
all  the  more  absurd  at  a  moment  when  great  qualities  were 
needed.  After  two  months  of  arduous  labour  he  lost  his 
head,  and  broke  down  completely,  so  much  so  that  he 
forgot  his  own  name,  and  when  he  had  to  sign,  not  knowing 
what  to  put,  wrote  down  "  The  Mayor  of  Paris."  This  he 
told  me  himself.  From  the  moment  of  our  first  conversa- 
tion I  longed  to  be  intimate  enough  with  him  to  advise 

227 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

him  to  resign.  I  was  accustomed  to  Mirabeau's  methods, 
and  now  I  found  myself  with  one  whose  ways  were  com- 
pletely dissimilar.  He  had  been  raised  to  his  present 
position  by  the  Lameths  and  he  could  not  get  on  with  the 
Girondistes ;  he  liked  the  former  but  feared  the  latter,  but 
listened  to  both  sides  and  tried  to  steer  his  course  between 
them.  When  Dumouriez  was  in  the  government,  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  ruled  by  him.  This  was  much  his  safest  plan, 
and  nothing  better  could  happen  to  him  than  to  let  him 
steer  the  ship.  Dumouriez  was  active  enough  to  be  the 
head  of  everything. 

I  must  now  mention  a  singular  occurrence  which  shows 
the  inner  workings  of  political  matters.  I  was  seriously 
consulted  as  to  the  appointment  of  the  Minister  for  War.  It 
sounds  farcical,  but  it  was  the  fact.  After  the  Girondistes 
had  appointed  their  supporters  to  the  ministry,  they 
looked  with  dislike  on  Graves,  who  had  been  chosen  by 
the  "  Feuillans."  Brissot  and  his  friends  knew  how  intimate 
I  was  with  Duchatelet,  and  asked  me  seriously  if  I  thought 
he  was  capable  of  filling  the  post  of  War  Minister,  what  I 
thought  of  his  principles  and  talents,  and  whether  confidence 
could  safely  be  placed  in  him.  They  did  not  wish  to  consult 
Condorcet,  because  he  belonged,  so  to  speak,  to  the  same 
family.  I  got  out  of  the  difficulty  by  pretending  that  Claviere 
and  Brissot  were  not  serious  in  asking  for  my  opinion. 
Duchatelet  was  much  too  violent,  and  De  Graves  too 
feeble,  but  my  friendship  with  both  of  them  put  me  into  a 
very  difficult  position.  However,  I  told  Duchatelet  that 

228 


THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

there  was  a  question  of  appointing  him,  and  he  begged  me 
to  save  him  the  necessity  of  refusing,  because  he  knew  that 
war  was  shortly  going  to  be  declared  and  he  wished  to  go 
to  the  front.  In  spite  of  many  qualifications,  he  did  not 
think  himself  suited  for  the  Cabinet,  and  he  would  never 
have  accepted  a  post  for  which  he  did  not  think  himself 
suitable.  But  how  was  it  possible  for  the  Girondistes  to 
think  of  introducing  into  the  King's  council  a  man  who 
had  signed  the  first  republican  manifesto?  When  I  felt  sure 
of  his  refusal  I  pointed  this  out  to  them. 

At  one  time  I  had  hoped  to  be  able  to  arrange  a  treaty 
of  peace  between  the  "  Feuillans  "  and  the  "  Girondistes,"  by 
the  interposition  of  de  Graves.  They  accused  each  other  of 
trying  to  revoke  the  Constitution  ;  one  side  wished  to  estab- 
lish two  chambers,  the  other  to  create  a  republic.  I  was  a 
sort  of  unimportant  mediator  between  them;  I  carried  mess- 
ages from  one  to  the  other,  and  tried  to  arrange  a  meeting 
between  them,  but  with  no  results,  for  the  Girondistes  were 
too  much  afraid  of  the  Jacobins  to  have  any  dealings  with 
them.  TheGirondistes,nowthedominantpartyin  the  govern- 
ment, were  at  this  time  well  disposed  towards  the  King. 

I  wrote  a  speech  for  Gensonne"  which  was  well  received 
in  committee.  It  was  intended  to  show  attachment  to  the 
Constitution,  and  to  point  out  the  danger  of  factions.  It 
was  written  with  sufficient  address  to  be  listened  to  with 
attention,  in  spite  of  its  strong  declaration  in  favour  of 
royalty  and  its  vigorous  denunciations  of  anarchy.  But 
Gensonne's  cold  and  feeble  manner  was  not  that  of  Mirabeau ; 

229 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

nevertheless  he  was  listened  to  and  applauded.  The  King 
was  very  much  pleased  with  it,  and  I  think  it  was  the  last 
monarchical  speech  that  was  ever  delivered  in  the  Assembly. 

I  was  pleased  at  having  persuaded  a  party  always  sus- 
pected of  republicanism  to  take  a  public  step  in  an  opposite 
direction.  But  it  was  only  a  drop  of  oil  on  a  stormy  ocean ! 

This  speech,  which  was  published  in  the  "  Moniteur," 
was  mutilated  there  in  a  strange  way.  The  conclusion  had 
not  been  well  received  by  the  "  Montagne,"  who  feared  they 
had  gone  too  far,  and  regretted  the  advances  they  had 
made  to  the  Royalist  cause. 

I  used  to  go  to  the  public  dinners  at  the  Mairie  given  by 
P6tion,  where  the  Gironde  was  accustomed  to  assemble. 
The  conversation  was  generally  directed  against  the  Court. 
They  spoke  of  the  conspiracy  of  Coblentz,  of  the  Austrian 
cabinet,  of  the  treachery  of  the  Court ;  the  moderation  of 
the  "Feuillans"  was  more  condemned  than  was  the  anarchi- 
cal fury  of  the  Jacobins.  Many  of  the  personages  whose 
names  I  have  forgotten  were  shockingly  coarse,  and  I  was 
surprised  to  see  Condorcet  amusing  himself  in  a  society  so 
little  worthy  of  him.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  obscene 
type  of  sans-culottisme,  which  was  soon  to  disgrace  France. 
Good  manners  and  decency  were  considered  distinctions  of 
the  aristocracy,  which  were  to  be  trampled  under  foot  in 
order  to  bring  everything  down  to  the  level  of  the  canaille. 
The  leaders  of  the  Girondistes  were  of  another  stamp. 
Vergniaud  was  an  indolent  man  who  spoke  little,  but  when 
he  became  animated  his  eloquence  showed  real  power. 

230 


THE  FEUILLANTS  AND  THE  GIRONDISTES 

Guadet  had  more  talent  and  was  more  pliable ;  he  was 
always  prepared  to  speak  from  the  Tribune  and  to  face  his 
opponents.  Brissot  was  continually  running  about,  fussing 
and  wire-pulling ;  but  he  had  no  gift  for  oratory  and  pro- 
duced no  effect.  Gensonne's  character  was  amiable  and 
gentle;  Buzot  had  a  kind  of  penetrating  and  persuasive 
eloquence;  De  Sers,  who  was  not  much  known  by  the 
public,  had  much  influence  on  the  committees,  and  was 
a  sensible  and  moderate  man,  who  often  made  the  others 
reconsider  their  hasty  resolutions,  and  he  alone  had  any 
influence  over  Brissot.  Roederer  was  a  clever  man,  but  very 
ignorant,  and  with  so  much  levity  in  his  character  that  he 
was  only  fit  to  fill  a  subordinate  place. 

Condorcet  never  spoke  from  the  Tribune,  and  very  rarely 
in  conversation.  He  was  called  "  Le  mouton  enrage";  he 
was  not  a  leader,  but  he  carried  much  weight  with  the  party, 
though  he  always  appeared  to  me  to  be  only  a  well-wisher 
and  adherent.  His  paper,  the  "  Chronique  de  Paris,"  was 
conducted  with  great  skill.  The  Court  had  no  greater  enemy 
than  he,  and  his  attacks  were  all  the  more  dangerous  because 
they  were  made  with  a  calm  subtlety  which  produced  far 
more  impression  than  the  most  virulent  insults  of  Brissot  and 
the  Jacobins.  Champfort  was  brilliant  and  bitter,  his  caustic 
sayings  were  often  quoted  in  society;  anxieties  as  to  the 
conspiracies  taking  place  at  the  Tuileries  prevented  his 
sleeping.  He  thought  he  was  on  a  mine  that  was  always 
on  the  point  of  exploding.  Sieyes  suffered  from  the  same 
fears;  in  his  dreams  he  had  visions  of  his  head  rolling  on 

231 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

the  scaffold.  A  feeling  of  common  terror  induced  them  all 
to  work  together  for  the  destruction  of  the  monarchy,  which 
appeared  to  them  in  the  light  of  a  fearful  phantom.  These 
imaginary  terrors  may  seem  ridiculous,  but  it  is  none  the  less 
true  that  they  brought  about  the  second  revolution.  People's 
minds  were  not  in  a  normal  condition  ;  if  jealousy  gives 
reality  to  mere  suspicions,  party  spirit  has  the  same  effect 
on  men's  minds,  creates  gloomy  visions,  in  the  same  way 
that  the  brain  when  disordered  by  fever  sees  only  livid 
spectres  and  deformed  monsters. 

Four  different  newspapers,  all  opposed  to  the  Court  Party, 
were  at  this  time  appearing.  Their  success  corresponded  in 
an  exactly  contrary  degree  to  their  merits.  The  "  Chronique 
de  Paris,"  edited  by  Condorcet,  was  cleverly  written,  but 
with  concealed  malice  and  hidden  meanings,  and  was  hardly 
known  except  in  Paris  and  abroad.  "  La  Patriote "  was 
Brissot's  organ ;  it  did  not  disguise  its  violence,  but  was  well 
written  and  had  a  good  circulation  both  in  Paris  cafe's  and 
in  the  provinces.  The  "Annales  Patriotiques,"  belonging 
to  Mercier  and  Cara,  by  reason  of  its  dull  vulgarities,  had 
a  great  and  universal  vogue,  and  was  read  out  loud  for 
general  edification  at  all  the  clubs.  But  the  "Pere  Duchesne," 
which  was  a  disgrace  to  France  on  account  of  its  filthy  and 
infamous  style,  was  the  general  favourite  with  the  masses. 
This  paper  was  the  one  that  made  the  highest  bid  for  popu- 
larity. It  is  as  well  to  point  out  to  those  who  wish  to  adopt 
the  career  of  journalism  that  the  greatest  success  always 
attends  those  who  have  fewest  scruples  and  least  shame. 

232 


MADAME   ROLAND 


CHAPTER  XX 

MONSIEUR  AND  MADAME  ROLAND 

(T  was  at  this  period  that  I  became  acquainted 
with  Roland.  He  was  a  man  of  simple 
habits,  serious  in  his  conversation,  and 
rather  priggish.  But  this  sort  of  ostenta- 
tious morality,  which  was  so  much  resented 
in  Necker's  case,  is  in  my  opinion  not  a  displeasing  trait  in  a 
public  man.  I  don't  like  to  see  a  man  who  appears  to  be 
surprised  at  his  own  virtue  and  who  admires  himself  as  if 
he  was  the  Doge  of  Genoa  in  the  midst  of  a  corrupt  gener- 
ation, but  a  minister  who  lays  himself  out  to  be  a  moral 
man  seems  to  me  to  be  worthily  attempting  to  stem  the  tide 
of  the  debased  tone  of  society.  At  all  events,  this  pose 
does  not  suit  everyone,  and  those  who  ridicule  it  are  secretly 
afraid  of  its  effects. 

Madame  Roland  added  to  her  personal  charms  the  merits 
of  wit  and  character.  Her  friends  spoke  of  her  with  respect ; 
she  was  a  Roman  Matron,  a  Cornelia,  and  if  she  had  pos- 
sessed sons  they  would  have  been  brought  up  like  the 
Gracchi. 

I  was  present  at  her  house  at  several  meetings  of  the 
ministers  and  Girondistes.  Amongst  all  this  company  a 
woman  seemed  rather  out  of  place ;  but  she  never  joined  in 

233 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

any  of  the  discussions,  but  generally  remained  sitting  at 
her  writing-table,  answering  letters,  and  appeared  to  be 
occupied  about  ordinary  matters,  but  in  reality  she  never 
missed  a  word  of  what  was  going  on.  Her  quiet  attire  did 
not  detract  from  her  charms,  and  though  she  worked  as 
hard  as  a  man,  she  had  all  the  attractions  of  her  sex.  I 
reproach  myself  for  not  having  known  more  thoroughly 
the  extent  of  her  good  qualities.  I  have  always  had  a 
prejudice  against  political  women,  and  I  thought  she  had 
the  defiant  disposition  which  often  is  joined  to  ignorance 
of  the  ways  of  the  world. 

Claviere  and  Roland,  after  having  seen  the  King  at  the 
council,  were  converted  from  their  prejudices  and  believed 
in  his  sincerity;  but  Madame  Roland  never  ceased  warning 
them  against  the  glamour  that  surrounds  a  court ;  she  could 
not  believe  in  the  good  faith  of  a  prince  who  had  been 
brought  up  in  the  belief  that  he  was  superior  to  all  other 
men,  and  she  repeatedly  told  them  that  they  were  dupes, 
and  all  the  fine  promises  that  were  made  appeared  to  her 
to  be  so  many  snares. 

Servan,  in  spite  of  his  gloomy  disposition  and  jealous 
pride,  appeared  to  her  to  be  strong  and  incorruptible.  She 
mistook  his  violence  for  fervour,  and  thought  his  hatred  of 
the  Court  was  republican  virtue.  Louvet,  who  was  equally 
prejudiced,  became  her  hero ;  he  certainly  possessed  courage, 
talents  and  ardour,  but  it  was  astonishing  that  any  virtuous 
woman  could  consider  the  author  of  "  Fabulas,"  that  teacher 
of  vice,  as  a  strict  republican. 

234 


Madame  Roland  forgave  everything  to  those  who  de- 
claimed against  the  Court.  She  could  only  appreciate  virtue 
when  it  was  found  in  a  cottage.  She  idealized  verycrdinary 
people,  such  as  Lanthenas  and  Pache,  merely  because  they 
saw  things  from  her  point  of  view.  This  did  not  attract  me, 
and  prevented  me  from  seeking  her  society  as  much  as  I 
should  have  done  if  I  had  known  her  as  well  while  she  was 
still  alive  as  I  came  to  do  after  death. 

Her  personal  memoirs  are  admirable;  they  are  imitated 
from  Rousseau's  "  Confessions,"  and  are  often  worthy  of  the 
original ;  she  opens  her  heart  fully,  and  depicts  herself  with 
a  strength  and  truth  which  are  not  to  be  found  in  any  other 
work  of  a  similar  nature.  Her  intellectual  development 
needed  more  knowledge  of  the  world,  and  a  greater  ac- 
quaintance with  men  of  better  judgement  than  her  own. 
Roland  was  not  broad-minded;  none  of  the  society  that 
frequented  his  wife's  salon  were  free  from  vulgar  prejudices, 
and  she  never  believed  in  the  possibility  of  an  alliance 
between  the  Monarchy  and  Liberty,  and  regarded  a  King 
with  the  same  horror  that  she  did  Madame  Macaulai,  who 
she  considered  was  a  being  outside  her  sex.  If  she  could 
have  inspired  her  party  with  her  own  strength  of  mind  and 
intrepidity,  royalty  would  have  been  destroyed,  but  the 
Jacobins  would  not  have  triumphed. 

Madame  Roland,  who  had  a  graceful  and  forcible  style, 
wrote  too  much,  and  she  induced  her  husband  to  do  the  same. 
It  was  the  ministry  of  writers;  I  have  always  remarked  that 
if  political  factions  are  given  to  issuing  many  pamphlets  and 

235 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

writings  it  invariably  weakens  their  cause.  Among  such  a 
mob  of  authors  there  are  always  many  who  irritate  and  in- 
flame their  opponents  without  gaining  any  corresponding 
advantages,  and  they  get  accustomed  to  words  more  than 
deeds,  and  think  that  discussion  takes  the  place  of  action. 

One  good  newspaper  would  have  been  more  useful  to  the 
Girondistes  than  this  crowd  of  scribblers,  who  were  paid  by 
the  Minister  of  the  Interior  under  the  pretence  of  enlighten- 
ing the  nation  and  of  forming  public  opinion. 

The  worst  fault  that  has  been  found  with  Madame  Roland 
was  her  having  persuaded  her  husband  to  publish  the  con- 
fidential letter  which  he  had  written  to  the  King  and  which 
began  as  follows :  "  Sire,  this  letter  will  never  be  seen  by  any 
one  but  you  and  me."  When  he  was  dismissed  from  the 
government  he  could  not  resist  the  pleasure  of  this  bit  of 
revenge,  and  published  the  letter  which  contained  all  his 
prophetic  menaces,  without  perceiving  that  they  might  serve 
to  bring  about  the  events  he  feared,  and  that  to  tell  the  King 
of  all  he  had  to  fear  from  the  people  was  also  to  suggest  to 
the  people  the  way  in  which  they  might  treat  the  King. 
Claviere  had  been  made  Minister  of  Finance,  and  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  him  installed  in  the  post  he  had  always 
desired,  and  had  worked  for  with  such  persevering  ambition. 

It  was  the  climax  of  all  his  hopes.  For  the  last  ten  years 
he  had  worked  to  get  into  the  government,  and  all  his  life 
he  had  felt  a  presentiment  that  he  would  eventually  arrive 
at  this  eminence. 

When  M.  Necker  was  made  minister  Claviere  was  only 

236 


MONSIEUR  AND  MADAME  ROLAND 

an  ordinary  Genevese  merchant,  but  he  already  allowed  his 
intimate  friends  to  perceive  the  ambition  with  which  he  was 
filled.  He  came  to  Paris  in  1780  with  Duroverai,  and  in 
passing  before  the  house  of  the  minister  of  Finance,  said  to 
his  companion,  "  My  instinct  tells  me  that  some  day  I  shall 
live  there."  He  laughed  himself  at  such  an  unlikely  prophecy, 
and  Duroverai  thought  he  was  rather  mad.  Exiled  from  the 
Swiss  Republic  by  the  King  of  France,  he  tried  to  establish 
a  colony  of  Genevese  in  Ireland,  but  when  that  failed  he 
came  and  settled  in  Paris.  Certainly  it  would  not  have 
appeared  a  possibility  that  a  man  who  had  been  sent  out  of 
his  country  by  a  French  minister  should  one  day  be  invited 
to  become  a  member  of  that  government,  but  men  of  enter- 
prise accomplish  what  to  others  would  appear  to  be  impos- 
sible. Claviere  wrote  on  all  questions  of  finance,  and  was  the 
author  of  nearly  all  the  financial  parts  of  Mirabeau's  works. 
The  confusion  and  disorder  prevailing  in  the  administra- 
tion made  him  foresee  the  calamities  of  the  future,  in  which 
he  thought  he  would  very  likely  be  much  needed.  His 
active  brain  had  formed  a  plan  of  buying  a  large  piece  of 
territory  in  America  and  founding  a  colony  there  on  the 
most  liberal  lines.  He  sent  Brissot  to  reconnoitre  the  country, 
but  on  his  return  France  was  in  such  a  condition  that  he 
gave  up  the  undertaking,  as  he  saw  that  the  liberty  he  had 
meant  to  establish  in  America,  France  was  now  quite  pre- 
pared to  receive  herself.  Throughout  the  duration  of  the 
National  Assembly  he  attached  himself  to  Mirabeau,  whose 
influence  he  foresaw,  in  order  to  upset  M.  Necker,  and  to 

237 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

take  his  place.  But  he  had  made  many  enemies,  particularly 
amongst  the  stock-jobbing  and  commercial  classes.  He  was 
the  originator  of  the  "  Assignats  "  and  wrote  many  pamphlets 
and  articles  on  this  subject. 

Necker  did  not  fall  from  his  place,  he  only  slid  down  a 
gradual  decline,  and  his  departure  was  as  clandestine  as  his 
return  had  been  triumphant;  but  Mirabeau's  influence  was 
not  sufficient  to  procure  Claviere's  appointment  in  his  place. 
It  was  Brissot  whom  Mirabeau  had  so  much  despised  who 
by  his  influence  with  the  Girondistes  was  the  means  of 
raising  his  friend  into  the  ministry.  The  King,  who  knew 
his  history  and  had  not  forgotten  that  he  had  expatriated 
him,  looked  on  him  with  suspicion.  At  first  he  showed  him 
neither  favour  nor  prejudice.  Afterwards  he  appeared  to 
be  pleased  to  see  him  and  worked  with  him  not  only  with- 
out repugnance,  but  with  interest.  At  Geneva,  Claviere  had 
been  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  popular  party,  but  he  was 
thought  to  be  sly  and  cunning ;  nothing  was  further  from  the 
truth.  He  was  a  man  of  much  talent ;  having  been  deaf  in 
early  youth  and  thus  deprived  of  the  pleasures  of  society, 
he  found  compensation  in  study.  In  his  self-education  he 
combined  politics  and  moral  philosophy  with  a  knowledge 
of  commerce.  He  was  timid  by  temperament  and  had  no 
personal  courage,  and  yet  all  his  life  he  was  placed  in 
positions  which  required  an  intrepid  character.  It  seemed 
as  if  his  mind  and  constitution  were  always  at  variance  with 
each  other,  and  he  was  continually  attacking  authority 
although  the  danger  of  doing  so  caused  him  much  alarm. 

238 


MONSIEUR  AND  MADAME  ROLAND 

One  might  say  of  him  what  Madame  de  Flahaut  said  of 
Sieyes,  that  "  he  was  the  most  enterprising  coward  in  the 
world." 

He  enjoyed  finding  himself  in  the  midst  of  difficult  and 
anxious  situations,  though  he  feared  the  consequences.  He 
said  that  if  political  disputes  do  harm,  they  also  do  much 
good,  and  put  everybody  in  a  more  agreeable  temper  than 
would  be  the  case  if  they  always  existed  in  a  condition 
of  insipid  repose.  He  even  defended  anarchy  with  many 
ingenious  sophisms.  His  activity  was  enormous;  he  rose  in 
the  middle  of  the  night  and  wrote  fifty  pages,  then  rested 
for  an  hour  before  setting  to  work  again.  His  style  was 
diffuse,  and  he  showed  traces  of  his  elementary  education. 
In  spite  of  his  republican  ideas,  he  was  fond  of  luxury  and 
display ;  there  was  much  contrast  between  the  elegance  of 
his  taste  and  the  austerity  of  his  principles,  but  he  never 
gratified  his  tastes  at  the  expense  of  the  public,  and  in 
pecuniary  matters  was  above  reproach.  His  elevation  to 
office  had  an  effect  on  him  which  showed  he  was  not  made 
of  common  stuff;  he  became  all  the  more  modest,  though 
he  had  never  previously  been  conceited  or  presumptuous. 
His  new  dignity  only  increased  his  amiability  and  simplicity. 
In  this  he  was  very  different  from  Brissot,  whose  head  was 
nearly  turned  by  the  importance  of  his  position,  and  who 
spoke  as  if  he  were  an  oracle,  and  could  not  bear  any  con- 
tradiction. Claviere  found  his  office  in  excellent  order;  it 
had  been  arranged  on  a  new  plan  with  infinite  trouble  by 
his  predecessor,  Tarbe,  and  he  gave  him  so  much  credit  for 

239 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

this  that  one  might  almost  have  thought  he  regretted  him. 
This  trait  shows  that  there  was  no  pettiness  in  his  nature. 
Claviere  said  that  it  was  very  expensive  to  employ  the  aris- 
tocracy so  much,  because  they  were  paid  according  to  their 
rank  and  not  for  what  they  did.  "  It  is,"  he  said,  "  as  if  you 
employed  a  Dutch  florist  to  grow  potatoes." 

Claviere  possessed  every  domestic  virtue,  and  his  society 
became  all  the  more  agreeable  to  his  friends  after  he  had 
attained  the  summit  of  his  ambitions.  He  was  naturally 
quick-tempered,  and  was  not  free  from  a  sort  of  brusguerie, 
but  this  was  not  caused  by  pride.  He  had  the  peevishness 
of  a  child,  who  sulks  but  soon  recovers  his  good  temper. 

He  thought  the  King's  intentions  were  pure,  and  ex- 
pressed his  opinion  openly.  I  heard  many  disputes  on  this 
subject,  and  remember  one  in  particular  which  took  place 
at  Roland's  house,  where  were  assembled  several  of  the 
Girondin  deputies.  Claviere  related  that  the  King  had 
found  out  that  he  was  ignorant  on  a  constitutional  point, 
that  he  drew  a  book  from  his  pocket  and  said  to  him,  laugh- 
ing about  it,  "  You  see,  M.  Claviere,  I  know  better  than  you." 
Claviere  said  that  the  King  was  justified  in  saying  this. 
Brissot,  however,  was  angry  and  sarcastic,  and  finally 
abusive  about  it.  The  conversation  became  very  bitter, 
and  I  saw  that  the  moment  was  coming  when  they  would 
quarrel.  Claviere  appealed  to  Roland,  who  did  not  dare  to 
take  either  side,  and  feared  it  would  be  thought  weak  if  he 
showed  common  justice  towards  a  King  of  whom  he  was 
the  minister.  I  went  to  Madame  Roland,  who  was  sitting 

240 


MONSIEUR  AND  MADAME  ROLAND 

at  her  table  pretending  to  write,  and  found  that  she  was 
pale  and  trembling;  I  begged  her  to  interfere  in  order  to 
calm  the  storm.  "Do  you  think  I  can?"  she  said  in  a 
hesitating  way,  but  soon  with  much  tact  and  gentleness  she 
changed  the  conversation  and  prolonged  it  sufficiently  to 
give  the  two  friends  time  to  soften  towards  each  other. 

Madame  Claviere  would  have  liked  to  play  the  same  part 
as  Madame  Roland  did,  but  vanity  was  her  only  character- 
istic, whereas  Madame  Roland  was  full  of  energy  and  talent. 
In  Madame  Claviere's  case  a  miracle  was  wrought  by  the 
power  of  the  royal  sceptre;  she  was  dying  of  a  nervous 
fever  when  her  husband  was  nominated  to  the  ministry; 
there  was  scarcely  a  hope  of  saving  her,  but  the  doctor 
said, "  I  will  undertake  to  say  that  in  four  days'  time  she 
will  leave  her  bed  and  take  her  place  at  the  Hotel  des 
Contributions  (the  official  residence).  His  prediction  was 
verified ;  the  joy  and  novelty  of  her  position  worked  a  cure 
where  other  remedies  had  failed. 

It  is  easy  enough  to  describe  characters  in  a  way  that 
will  satisfy  one's  readers,  but  in  order  to  please  one's  self, 
there  is  nothing  more  difficult  than  to  give  a  truthful  ac- 
count of  those  one  has  known  best.  Human  nature  is  such 
a  medley  of  good  and  evil,  motives  are  so  obscure,  the 
character  of  every  individual  is  so  complicated,  that  an 
incommunicable  something  always  escapes  one,  and  it  is 
impossible  to  convey  to  others  all  that  one  feels  one's  self. 

I  now  very  seldom  went  to  the  Assembly — there  was  no 
Mirabeau  there!  though  each  party  possessed  distinguished 

241  R 


orators.  Amongst  the  Girondistes,  Guadet  was  distin- 
guished for  doing  the  right  thing  at  the  right  time, 
Gensonn6,  for  his  subtlety  and  artifice,  Vergniaud  only 
appeared  on  great  occasions  when  he  abandoned  his  habitual 
indolence  and  launched  out  in  sudden  bursts  of  wild  and 
fiery  eloquence. 

The  Girondistes  present  two  different  points  of  view.  As 
the  declared  enemies  of  the  King  and  the  Constitution  they 
may  be  the  subject  of  legitimate  reproach,  but  as  the  enemies 
of  the  Jacobins  and  Robespierre,  one  can  only  regret  that 
their  destruction  gave  France  over  to  the  most  dreadful 
misfortunes.  As  citizens  of  a  monarchy  they  were  certainly 
guilty ;  as  republicans  they  had  many  virtues,  and  if  the 
historian  is  compelled  to  condemn  them  before  the  loth  of 
August,  he  must  by  comparison  esteem  them  after  that 
date,  and  at  the  same  time  deplore  both  their  rise  and 
their  fall. 


242 


GENERAL   DUMOURIEZ 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE   WAR  WITH   AUSTRIA 

RISSOT  was  in  favour  of  the  war  with 
Austria.  He  had  been  talking  of  it  for 
a  long  time.  The  Austrian  Committee 
preyed  on  his  mind,  and  an  open  hostility 
appeared  to  him  to  be  preferable  to  con- 
tinuing in  this  state  of  intrigue  and  concealment.  The 
Court  of  Vienna  gave  plenty  of  pretexts  for  war,  and  yet 
had  not  determined  on  it.  I  still  think  that  with  firmness 
and  moderation  the  storm  might  have  been  avoided.  The 
Constitution  was  a  sort  of  unknown  quantity,  a  new  crea- 
tion of  which  everyone  was  afraid ;  it  required  to  be  treated 
with  caution  in  order  to  be  respected  and  excused,  for  the 
violence  of  the  Jacobins  make  it  often  appear  odious.  If 
the  Girondistes  had  been  willing  to  conciliate  the  King, 
they  would  have  disarmed  the  suspicions  of  Europe,  and 
would  have  placed  the  emigrants  in  a  ridiculous  position, 
and  peace  might  have  been  maintained.  The  other  powers 
were  not  united,  nor  were  they  anxious  to  act  in  concert 
with  each  other,  so  that  if  tact  had  been  used,  there  would 
have  been  little  to  fear.  This  was  the  opinion  of  the 
moderate  party,  and  I  think  they  were  right,  but  Brissot 

243 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  Dumouriez  did  not  agree.  Brissot  was  so  violent  that 
I  heard  him  propose  to  disguise  a  party  of  soldiers  as 
Austrian  Uhlans  and  make  them  attack  some  French 
villages  by  night,  so  that  at  the  news  the  Assembly  should 
pass  a  decree  for  immediate  war.  If  I  had  not  heard  this 
proposal  I  could  not  have  believed  it  possible. 

Dumouriez  was  less  impetuous,  but  cleverer.  He  also 
desired  war,  but  he  thought  there  was  reason  enough  in 
the  conduct  of  the  Austrians  to  justify  it.  A  very  im- 
prudent answer  from  the  Viennese  Court  gave  him  plenty 
of  excuse,  but  I  am  sure  that  all  his  colleagues  were  not 
of  his  opinion.  One  day,  after  they  had  been  dining  at  the 
War  Office,  I  went  there  about  six  o'clock  to  know  what 
had  been  decided.  Dumouriez  had  left,  the  table  was 
covered  with  maps  of  the  Low  Countries;  he  had  been 
explaining  his  plan  of  campaign.  They  all  appeared  very 
serious  and  embarrassed.  De  Graves  was  afraid  of  the 
immensity  of  the  task,  Roland  and  Claviere  were  neither 
of  them  warlike,  and  Roland  would  have  been  in  favour  of 
negotiations  and  would  have  risked  nothing.  Claviere 
knew  the  financial  difficulties,  and  was  aware  that  there 
were  no  available  funds,  no  credit,  that  the  taxes  were 
in  arrears  and  the  collection  of  them  difficult.  Brissot's 
joy  was  complete;  he  affirmed  that  the  war  would  be 
the  means  of  unmasking  the  perfidies  of  the  Court  and  of 
putting  the  cause  of  liberty  on  a  sure  foundation,  by  prov- 
ing who  were  the  friends  and  who  the  enemies  of  the  Con- 
stitution. De  Graves  saw  the  danger  which  threatened  the 

244 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

army,  as  many  of  the  best  officers  had  emigrated.  How- 
ever, no  one  dared  oppose  the  will  of  Dumouriez,  he 
carried  everyone  with  him.  He  represented  the  necessity 
of  baffling  the  plans  of  the  allied  Austrian  and  European 
houses,  and  of  preventing  their  having  the  time  to  arrange 
their  measures.  The  two  parties  were  equally  active.  I 
remember  that  Duchatelet,  who  was  much  in  favour  of  the 
war,  argued  that  the  emigration  of  the  superior  officers 
would  not  be  a  disadvantage,  as  the  subalterns  were  more 
competent  than  the  older  men.  "  There  is,"  he  said,  "  the 
same  difference  between  them  as  between  amateurs  and 
artists.  Supposing  all  the  former  officers  left  us,  we  should 
be  none  the  worse;  there  would  be  more  emulation  in  the 
army,  and  generals  would  be  discovered  amongst  the 
common  soldiers." 

As  I  was  in  the  habit  of  dining  with  Claviere,  Roland 
and  de  Graves,  I  had  become  intimate  with  Dumouriez. 
These  dinners  were  often  remarkable  for  their  gaiety,  a 
quality  which  under  no  circumstance  will  ever  be  wanting 
to  French  society,  and  which  is  natural  to  men  who  are 
pleased  with  themselves  and  their  position.  The  future 
was  concealed  from  them,  they  forgot  the  cares  of  govern- 
ment, and  settled  down  in  their  offices  as  if  they  were  to 
remain  in  them  for  ever.  Madame  Roland  was  the  only 
one  who  appeared  doubtful  as  to  the  future;  she  said,  as 
she  looked  at  the  gilt  decorations  of  the  apartments,  that 
she  felt  she  was  living  in  a  luxurious  hotel.  The  conversa- 
tion of  Louvet  and  Dumouriez  in  particular  was  full  of 

245 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

charm.  Dumouriez's  liveliness  was  of  a  thoughtless  char- 
acter, and  one  would  have  expected  more  steadiness  from 
his  age  and  position.  He  found  himself  thrown  amongst 
a  society  of  pedants,  and  was  bored  with  their  strict  re- 
publican virtues;  there  was  no  sympathy  between  them, 
but  he  knew  how  to  avoid  discussion,  and  often  one  of  his 
humorous  repartees  prevented  or  ended  the  disputes.  He 
possessed  ready  wit,  a  discerning  glance,  and  prompt  de- 
cision. His  good  sayings  were  often  quoted.  He  managed 
to  amuse  the  King  at  the  same  time  as  he  transacted  busi- 
ness with  him,  but  in  the  midst  of  all  his  jests  he  pursued 
his  own  course,  and  took  the  leading  part  in  the  council. 

One  day  he  asked  me  to  breakfast,  in  order  to  read  to 
me  the  celebrated  memorandum  written  for  the  King's 
Council  and  for  the  Assembly,  in  which  he  had  enumerated 
the  charges  made  against  the  House  of  Austria  by  France. 
This  memorandum,  which  he  dictated  in  the  midst  of  in- 
terruptions, was  written  in  a  very  incorrect  style,  and  he 
wanted  me  to  read  it  with  him  solely  with  the  view  of 
criticising  it ;  but  by  his  frequent  digressions,  I  easily  per- 
ceived his  hatred  of  the  Prince  of  Kaunitz,  and  the  pleasure 
he  would  have  in  humiliating  him.  "  Now,"  he  said,  "  the 
service  I  am  asking  you  to  do  me  is  to  write  a  speech  that 
can  be  a  fitting  one  to  come  from  the  lips  of  the  King.  I 
do  not  profess  to  understand  how  to  write  this  in  a  dig- 
nified and  suitable  style." 

"  I  will  consent,"  I  said,  "  if  the  speech  is  not  calculated 
to  produce  war,  and  if  your  object  is  simply  to  ask  the 

246 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

Assembly  to  authorize  the  King  to  declare  war  in  case  he 
does  not  obtain  satisfactory  explanations  from  the  Em- 
peror." "  This,"  he  said,  "  can  only  be  decided  on  in  the 
Cabinet.  Write  the  speech,  make  the  charges,  and  we  will 
do  the  rest." 

I  related  the  affair  to  Duroverai,  and  prepared  the 
speech,  of  which  I  have  not  kept  a  copy,  but  its  substance 
was  that  the  King,  after  having  explained  to  his  subjects 
his  legitimate  causes  of  complaint,  asked  for  authority  to  de- 
clare war  on  the  King  of  Bohemia  and  Hungary  if  he  would 
not  agree  to  stop  the  assembling  together  of  the  emigrants, 
and  did  not  give  satisfactory  explanations  of  other  causes 
of  complaint.  When  I  saw  Dumouriez,  he  told  me  that  the 
Cabinet  had  agreed  to  an  immediate  war,  that  they  in- 
tended to  attack  the  Low  Countries  at  once,  before  they 
could  be  put  in  a  state  of  defence;  that  the  speech  I  had 
prepared  had  been  read  to  the  King,  but  that  he  thought 
it  too  long,  and  that  he  had  composed  another  one  himself, 
which  he  thought  was  more  suitable  to  the  occasion. 

Everyone  knows  how  the  legislative  Assembly  in  its 
wisdom  took  four  hours  of  its  time  in  order  to  consider,  at 
its  leisure  and  with  its  best  attention,  this  proposal  of  war, 
and  how,  after  a  single  evening's  sitting,  and  having  listened 
to  one  or  two  members  only,  they  launched  forth  the  decree 
which  plunged  France  and  the  whole  of  Europe  into  a  gulf 
of  misery. 

One  might  say  that  Brissot  and  Dumouriez  were  only 
the  mouthpieces  of  the  national  will,  because  there  were 

247 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

only  seven  votes  against  the  war,  but  it  appears  certain  to 
me  that  if  they  had  adopted  a  more  dilatory  method,  they 
would  have  been  received  with  absolute  unanimity.  All 
minds  were  wavering,  and  they  were  all  finally  led  by 
the  will  of  the  Cabinet.  I  knew  many  men  of  influence 
who  only  the  day  before  had  been  trembling  at  the 
idea  of  war,  suddenly  become  convinced  of  its  necessity. 
Condorcet  did  not  wish  for  it,  but  he  voted  in  its  favour; 
Claviere  did  not  want  it,  he  also  did  the  same,  Roland  like- 
wise, and  de  Graves,  and  many  others.  When  the  leaders  of 
a  party  decide  in  favour  of  any  measure,  it  is  inconceivable 
how  quickly  they  carry  other  people's  opinions  with  them. 
But  I  have  been  forgetting  my  travelling  companions, 
and  it  is  time  for  me  to  return  to  them;  Duroverai  had 
fallen  ill  a  few  days  after  his  return,  and  was  confined  to 
his  bed  for  nearly  a  month ;  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  re-entered 
the  whirlpool  of  society,  and  I  saw  him  but  seldom.  After 
Dumouriez  had  been  appointed  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
the  Girondins  pressed  him  to  send  an  ambassador  to 
England  and  to  choose  some  one  who  would  inspire  con- 
fidence. They  were  very  anxious  to  prevent  England's 
taking  any  part  in  the  war,  and  wished  to  re-establish  the 
friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries,  which  had 
cooled  down  owing  to  the  fatal  events  of  the  Revolution. 
Talleyrand  appeared  to  be  the  most  capable  man  for  the 
post,  but  the  Girondins  looked  on  him  with  suspicion, 
though  it  was  some  compensation  to  know  that  he  no 
longer  belonged  to  the  Court  party.  Unfortunately  the 

248 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

law  did  not  allow  him  to  accept  a  post  on  the  nomination 
of  the  King,  and  for  a  long  time  it  seemed  impossible  to 
get  over  this  difficulty ;  at  last  a  means  was  found  of  doing 
so;  this  was  to  give  the  title  of  Ambassador  to  some  one 
who  would  esteem  it  an  honour  but  who  would  consent  to 
let  himself  be  governed  by  Talleyrand.  Chauvelin,  who 
was  very  young  and  who  had  devoted  all  his  energies  to 
the  Revolution,  was  designated  by  Sieyes  for  the  place, 
which  was  a  higher  one  than  he  had  ever  hoped  to  attain  to, 
and  he  therefore  consented  to  accept  it.  The  Girondins, 
by  way  of  extra  precaution,  wished  to  appoint  Duroverai 
as  Counsellor  of  Legation,  but  there  were  some  difficulties 
in  the  way.  He  had  the  great  advantage  of  knowing 
England  well,  and  as  he  had  been  naturalized  in  Ireland, 
and  was  even  in  receipt  of  an  Irish  pension,  he  might  be 
supposed  to  be  more  interested  in  the  English  govern- 
ment than  in  that  of  France,  and  it  was  evident  that  if 
he  accepted  the  post,  his  influence  would  be  essentially  a 
pacific  one,  and  his  only  object  the  knitting  together  of 
the  two  nations. 

But  his  having  been  naturalized,  and  the  fact  of  his 
pension,  made  the  difficulty  of  giving  him  the  title  of 
Counsellor  insuperable.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  give 
him  the  place  without  the  name.  Talleyrand  was  very 
anxious  to  have  him  as  a  colleague,  as  he  recognized  how 
useful  his  advice  would  be.  In  order,  therefore,  to  accredit 
him  in  an  indirect  way,  he  was  recommended  in  a  letter  from 
the  French  Minister  to  Lord  Grenville.  All  these  arrange- 

249 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

ments  caused  many  delays,  and  the  public  began  to  com- 
plain that  the  embassy  to  England  was  very  slow  in 
getting  ready  for  its  departure.  At  the  last  moment, 
Chauvelin  was  seized  with  scruples.  He  perceived  that  he 
was  only  to  be  in  receipt  of  the  title  of  Ambassador  with- 
out having  any  of  the  real  power,  and  that  he  would  be  in 
the  position  of  a  young  envoy  to  a  foreign  court  accom- 
panied by  two  governors.  This  role  seemed  a  humiliating 
one  to  him,  and  he  refused  to  leave.  Talleyrand  in  vain 
exhausted  his  powers  of  persuasion  without  any  success, 
but  Duroverai  succeeded  better.  He  made  him  understand 
that  his  nomination  as  Ambassador  placed  him  at  once  in 
the  first  rank  of  diplomacy,  to  which  he  could  not  have 
attained,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things,  for  many  years. 
Dumouriez  lost  all  patience  at  these  delays,  and  begged 
me  to  come  and  see  him.  "  I  cannot  understand,"  he  said, 
"the  meaning  of  your  friends'  conduct;  for  the  last  fifteen 
days  the  Embassy  has  been  appointed,  and  yet  they  do 
not  think  of  starting.  M.  de  Talleyrand  is  amusing  him- 
self, M.  de  Chauvelin  is  sulking,  M.  Duroverai  bargaining. 
I  must  beg  you  to  tell  them  that  if  they  are  not  on  the 
road  by  to-morrow  another  embassy  will  be  appointed  and 
will  start  the  day  after  to-morrow  at  midday.  This  is  my 
decision." 

I  rushed  off  to  find  them  all,  but  it  was  some  hours  before 
I  got  them  together.  They  understood  that  Dumouriez  was 
a  man  of  his  word,  that  he  had  a  relation  for  whom  he  was 
anxious  to  find  an  appointment,  and  that  they  owed  their 

250 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

nominations  to  Claviere  and  the  Girondistes;    therefore 
they  very  soon  arranged  their  departure. 

The  whole  of  the  Legation  left  Paris  the  next  day  at 
four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  travelling  in  two  carriages. 
We  had  with  us,  besides  the  afore-named,  Garat  and  Reyn- 
hart.  We  often  changed  places  in  the  carriages  in  order 
to  vary  our  company,  and  the  journey  proceeded  with 
much  cheerfulness.  When  Chauvelin's  pride  was  at  rest, 
he  was  quite  amiable.  How  many  interesting  anecdotes 
were  told!  But  I  never  wrote  them  down,  and  only 
thought  of  enjoying  the  pleasant  company  and  the  fine 
weather. 

I  thought  Garat  full  of  kindness  and  simplicity,  which  is 
more  than  I  should  have  expected  from  one  who  had  lived 
in  the  centre  of  a  society  of  literary  wits,  a  "  milieu  "  which, 
as  a  rule,  is  not  favourable  to  the  production  of  much 
warmth  of  heart. 

Literature,  which  for  the  last  two  or  three  years  had  been 
forgotten  in  Paris,  was  often  the  subject  of  our  discourse. 
Carat's  conversation,  though  not  profound,  was  brilliant  and 
charming.  After  being  for  so  long  confined  in  Paris  in  the 
midst  of  the  sad  scenes  of  the  Revolution,  and  engaged  in 
the  work  of  the  ministry,  he  was  delighted  at  finding  him- 
self free  and  at  leisure,  and  took  much  pleasure  at  the 
thought  of  seeing  England,  a  country  which  he  had  always 
admired  but  had  never  visited.  M.  de  Talleyrand  said  that 
he  was  like  a  schoolboy  beginning  his  holidays.  As  soon  as 
we  arrived  at  Dover  Garat  and  I  mounted  the  imperial,  he 

251 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

put  on  his  spectacles  and  surveyed  the  scene  with  as  much 
curiosity  as  if  we  had  just  landed  on  the  moon. 

He  made  the  most  amusing  remarks  on  all  the  little 
cottages  and  their  tiny  gardens,  on  the  general  cleanliness 
that  prevailed,  on  the  beauty  of  the  children,  and  the  modest 
appearance  of  the  country  women,  and  on  the  tidy  clothes 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  villages.  This  scene  of  prosperity, 
which  contrasted  so  strongly  with  the  misery  and  rags  of 
the  Picardy  peasants,  struck  him  very  forcibly. 

I  was  proud  to  do  the  honours  of  the  country,  and  almost 
persuaded  myself  that  I  was  also  viewing  the  scene  for  the 
first  time,  so  much  did  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  admire 
them  increase  the  impression  they  made  on  me. 

"Ah!"  he  said,  "what  a  pity!  what  a  pity!  if  this  beau- 
tiful country  is  also  to  be  revolutionized.  When  will  France 
be  as  happy  as  England?"  Everything  excited  his  enthu- 
siasm, but  it  all  evaporated  in  talk. 

Though  I  frequently  saw  Garat  after  our  arrival  in  Eng- 
land, and  lived  a  good  deal  in  his  company,  I  never  became 
very  intimate  with  him.  There  was  some  want  of  sympathy 
between  us ;  he  amused  but  did  not  interest  me.  He  was 
contemplating  writing  a  history  of  the  Revolution,  and  he 
seemed  only  to  look  upon  this  event  as  so  much  material 
for  his  work.  "  What  do  you  think  Garat  thinks  of  the  affair 
of  the  roth  of  August?"  said  M.  de  Talleyrand.  "  He  only 
sees  in  it  an  occasion  for  a  page  for  his  history." 

After  he  had  taken  part  in  the  revolutionary  scenes,  when 
as  Minister  of  Justice  he  exposed  himself  to  general  blame, 

252 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

I  am  persuaded  that  his  heart  bled  at  the  thought  of  all  the 
evil  with  which  he  had  been  associated.  He  lacked  courage, 
was  weak  and  vain,  and  had  the  boldness  to  undertake  a 
task  that  was  beyond  his  powers.  There  are  some  men 
whom  one  hates  for  the  evil  that  they  do,  and  others  whom 
one  pities  for  the  evil  to  which  they  lend  themselves.  What 
he  could  never  justify  was  the  sort  of  apology  he  made  for 
the  assassinations  of  the  2nd  of  September.  No  lightness 
of  character  could  ever  excuse  such  an  act  of  feebleness.  It 
was  thought  possible  at  that  time  to  soften  the  monsters 
who  ordered  the  massacre  by  minimizing  their  cruelty  and 
in  absolving  them  for  their  past  sins,  in  order  to  give  them 
a  lesson  in  humanity  for  the  future.  "  Do  not  give  your- 
selves up  to  barbarism  out  of  despair "  was  said  to  them. 
"  We  are  disposed  to  trust  you,  and  to  believe  you  in- 
nocent, so  that  you  should  not  plunge  into  fresh  crimes." 

This  embassy,  whose  only  object  in  view  was  to  bring 
about  a  good  understanding  with  England,  was  very  coldly 
received  by  the  Court,  and  almost  insultingly  so  by  the 
people.  Chauvelin  was  abused  in  several  newspapers,  and 
was  even  accused  of  having  entered  Versailles  on  the  6th 
of  October  disguised  as  a  fishwife. 

One  circumstance  that  was  damaging  to  the  embassy 
was  the  ill-advised  zeal  of  Perry,  the  editor  of  the  "  Morn- 
ing Chronicle."  He  thought  to  be  of  use  to  the  French  by 
speaking  in  the  most  pompous  and  extravagant  terms  of 
all  the  members  of  the  suite,  by  implying  that  never  had 
such  a  collection  of  distinguished  men  been  brought 

253 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

together  before.  The  simple  truth  being  that  M.  de  Talley- 
rand liked  having  clever  people  about  him,  and  had  there- 
fore selected  a  few  to  keep  him  company  during  his  stay 
in  England.  But  the  excessive  political  influence  attributed 
to  them  by  Perry,  excited  the  suspicions  and  mistrust  of  a 
large  portion  of  the  public,  who  imagined  that  the  object 
of  all  these  distinguished  gentlemen  was  to  propagate 
revolutionary  opinions  in  England,  and  they  were  there- 
fore looked  on  as  apostles  sent  on  a  proselytizing  mission. 

Chauvelin  was  shortly  made  aware  of  the  coolness  with 
which  he  was  regarded  by  the  Court.  One  day,  Pitt, 
in  a  marked  manner,  stood  between  him  and  the  King, 
purposely  turning  his  back  on  him  the  while.  Chauvelin 
was  annoyed  at  this,  and  trod  heavily  on  his  foot  in  a 
manner  which  caused  him  to  move  out  of  the  way. 

The  Embassy  consulted  Romilly  as  to  the  best  methods 
of  dealing  with  the  numerous  damaging  paragraphs  that 
appeared  in  the  ministerial  papers  in  every  malignant  form 
of  which  they  were  capable,  and  for  which  they  were  given 
the  cue  by  those  in  authority.  He  wrote  out  a  strong  and 
formal  denial  of  all  the  calumnies  imputed  to  them,  and 
defied  any  one  to  prove  that  they  had  in  any  way  propa- 
gated revolutionary  principles,  and  threatened  to  prosecute 
the  author  of  these  libels.  But  this  declaration  was  never 
printed.  Lord  Lansdowne  advised  them  to  treat  the 
attacks  with  contempt.  It  was  a  mistake  on  their  part, 
however,  to  profit  as  much  as  they  did  by  the  advances 
made  to  them  by  the  Opposition.  They  were  never  seen 

254 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

except  in  the  society  of  Mr.  Fox  and  Mr.  Sheridan,  and 
this  was  a  still  further  cause  of  quarrel  between  them  and 
the  ministerial  party. 

I  remember  that  during  the  fine  weather  after  our  arrival 
in  London,  it  was  the  fashion  to  spend  the  evenings  at 
Ranelagh,  and  one  day,  after  I  had  dined  with  Chauvelin, 
it  was  proposed  that  we  should  all  go  and  finish  the  evening 
in  this  general  rendezvous.  It  consisted  of  a  round  hall 
with  an  orchestra  playing  in  the  centre,  and  opening  out  of 
it  were  small  boxes  like  those  in  a  theatre.  It  is  the  custom 
to  walk  round  and  to  stop  occasionally  to  partake  of  re- 
freshments in  these  boxes.  On  our  arrival  we  heard  all 
around  us  a  hum  of  voices  repeating,  "  Here  is  the  French 
Embassy."  Curious  but  far  from  friendly  glances  followed 
our  battalion,  for  we  were  a  party  of  eight  or  ten,  and  soon 
we  saw  that  we  should  have  the  whole  place  to  ourselves, 
for  at  our  approach  there  was  a  general  scattering  of  the 
company  as  if  they  feared  to  find  contagion  in  our  vicinity. 
The  battalion  became  all  the  more  remarkable  when  it 
found  itself  alone  in  the  middle  of  an  empty  space.  One 
or  two  venturesome  people  bowed  to  M.  Chauvelin  or  to 
M.  de  Talleyrand;  a  moment  afterwards  we  saw  a  solitary 
figure  wandering  about  who  was  also  shunned,  though  for 
other  causes :  it  was  the  Due  d'Orleans,  from  whom  every 
one  was  flying  with  the  greatest  haste.  At  last  we  were  so 
much  annoyed  at  being  the  objects  of  such  disagreeable 
attentions,  that  we  separated,  and  I  lost  myself  in  the 
crowd,  and  soon  afterwards  retired  from  the  scene.  I  ob- 

255 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

served  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  in  no  way  affected  or 
disconcerted  by  this  episode,  but  that  M.  Chauvelin  was,  on 
the  contrary,  much  put  out  by  it. 

Garat  was  not  idle  during  the  time  he  was  in  England; 
he  wrote  a  refutation  of  a  manifesto  which  had  been  pub- 
lished by  the  Low  Countries  against  France.  In  this  com- 
position he  tried  to  justify  the  Revolution,  and  explained 
away  all  the  violences  by  which  it  had  been  accompanied 
as  "  Regrettable  incidents." 

All  this  time  the  factious  opposition  to  the  Court  was 
becoming  stronger  every  day.  The  Girondistes  attacked  it 
covertly,  the  Jacobins  openly  and  with  force.  The  first 
events  of  the  war  were  unsuccessful,  and  these  misfortunes 
were  attributed  to  the  treachery  of  the  executive  govern- 
ment. On  the  1 3th  of  June  Roland,  Claviere,  and  Servan 
were  dismissed  from  the  ministry;  on  the  2Oth  the  Tuileries 
was  invaded,  the  King  threatened,  insulted  in  his  own 
palace,  and  twenty  days  later,  on  the  loth  of  August,  this 
same  palace  was  captured  by  assault  by  the  Marseillais. 

This  invasion  of  the  loth  of  August  was  one  of  the 
marked  occasions  on  which,  if  the  King  could  have  suddenly 
changed  his  nature  and  assumed  the  firmness  in  which  he 
was  always  lacking,  he  might  still  have  regained  his  throne 
and  destroyed  the  powers  of  anarchy. 

The  mass  of  the  French  people  were  tired  of  the  excesses 
of  the  Jacobins,  and  the  outrage  of  the  2Oth  of  June  excited 
general  indignation.  If  he  had  acted  vigorously,  and  op- 
posed force  by  force,  he  might  have  profited  by  a  victory, 

256 


THE  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA 

which  was  almost  a  certainty,  in  order  to  treat  the  Jacobins 
and  Girondistes  as  enemies  who  had  repeatedly  violated  the 
constitution.  He  might  have  closed  the  Jacobin  and  Cor- 
delier clubs,  have  dissolved  the  Assembly,  and  arrested  the 
mutineers,  and  would  at  once  by  doing  this  have  regained 
his  authority;  but  this  feeble  prince,  without  considering 
that  his  own  and  his  people's  welfare  were  bound  together, 
preferred  to  expose  himself  to  certain  death  rather  than  to 
give  the  orders  for  his  own  defence. 

M.  de  Talleyrand  was  in  Paris  during  these  events ;  he 
had  left  London  a  few  weeks  previously,  and  had  asked  me 
to  accompany  him,  but  this  time  I  had  the  good  sense  to 
refuse  to  undertake  a  journey  which  would  have  been  with- 
out any  special  object  for  me,  and  would  have  given  me  the 
appearance  of  being  mixed  up  in  intrigues.  I  was  no  longer 
a  sufficiently  unknown  personage  to  be  able  to  gratify  my 
itinerant  and  inquiring  disposition.  I  had  afterwards  much 
reason  to  congratulate  myself  on  my  discretion,  and  could 
contemplate  from  a  peaceful  spot  the  storm  in  which  I 
should  have  been  immersed. 

M.  de  Talleyrand  had  to  use  all  his  dexterity  to  obtain  a 
passport  from  Danton  to  permit  him  to  return  to  London 
immediately  after  the  loth  of  August.  If  he  had  remained 
in  Paris  for  even  a  few  days  longer  he  would  have  been  en- 
gulfed in  the  destruction  of  the  Constitutional  party,  whose 
heads  were  now  beginning  to  fall  under  the  axe  of  the 
Revolution. 


257 


APPENDIX 
ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING 

BEGGING  HIM  TO  WITHDRAW  THE  TROOPS 

[IRE, — You  have  invited  the  National  Assembly 
to  give  you  its  confidence;  this  surpasses  their 
fondest  hopes.  We  therefore  come  to  confide 
in  your  Majesty  our  great  fears ;  if  they  con- 
cerned ourselves  alone  your  goodness  would 
deign  to  reassure  us,  and  even  if  you  blamed  us 
for  doubting  your  intentions,  you  would  feel  for  our  anxieties,  you 
would  dissipate  their  origin,  and  you  would  not  leave  the  position 
of  the  National  Assembly  open  to  doubt. 

But,  Sire,  we  do  not  crave  your  protection,  that  would  be  offend- 
ing your  sense  of  justice ;  we  have  our  fears,  and  we  venture  to 
say  that  they  arise  from  the  purest  patriotism,  that  they  are  con- 
nected with  the  interests  of  our  constituents,  with  the  public  peace, 
and  with  the  happiness  of  our  beloved  Monarch,  who  by  smooth- 
ing for  us  the  road  to  happiness  deserves  himself  to  pursue  the 
same  without  impediment. 

In  the  generous  feelings  of  your  heart,  Sire,  may  be  found  real 
salvation  for  the  French  people.  When  the  troops  arrived  from  all 
parts  and  camped  around  us,  investing  the  Capital,  we  asked  our- 
selves with  astonishment,  "  Does  the  King  doubt  the  fidelity  of  his 

259 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

People?  If  this  had  been  the  case,  would  he  not  have  confided  in 
us  his  fatherly  sorrow?  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  threatening 
display?  Where  are  the  enemies  of  the  state  and  throne  who  are 
to  be  subdued?  Where  are  the  rebels  and  plotters  that  have  to  be 
kept  down?"  A  unanimous  cry  comes  from  the  capital,  nay  from 
the  whole  kingdom,  "  We  value  our  King,  and  we  return  thanks 
to  Providence  for  the  gift  of  his  love." 

Sire,  your  Majesty's  goodness  can  only  be  taken  advantage  of 
under  a  false  pretext  of  benefiting  the  public.  If  those  who  thus 
advised  our  King  had  shown  enough  confidence  in  their  own 
principles  to  explain  them  to  us,  that  moment  would  have  brought 
the  greatest  triumph  of  truth.  The  State  has  nothing  to  fear  except 
from  bad  counsels,  which  may  even  dare  to  besiege  the  throne 
itself,  and  which  do  not  even  respect  the  confidence  of  the  purest 
and  most  virtuous  of  princes.  How  is  it  possible,  Sire,  to  make 
you  doubt  the  love  and  attachment  of  your  subjects  ?  Have  you 
ever  spilled  their  blood?  Are  you  cruel  or  implacable?  Have  you 
betrayed  the  cause  of  justice?  Do  the  people  blame  you  for  their 
misfortune,  or  name  you  as  the  cause  of  their  calamities?  Has 
anyone  ever  told  you  that  the  people  are  impatient  under  their 
yoke,  that  they  are  tired  of  the  Bourbon  sway?  No,  no,  they 
cannot  have  done  so,  but  such  a  calumny  is  not  to  be  treated 
lightly,  for  it  must  at  least  have  some  slight  reason  for  the  black- 
ness of  its  suspicions. 

Your  Majesty  has  recently  seen  how  your  subjects  have  quieted 
down  after  the  recent  agitations,  how  the  prisoners,  released  by 
the  multitude,  resumed  their  fetters  of  their  own  accord,  and  how 
the  public  peace  which,  if  it  had  been  broken  by  the  employment 
of  force,  would  have  shed  torrents  of  blood,  was  restored  by 
one  word  from  you.  But  this  word  was  one  of  peace;  it  came 
straight  from  your  heart,  and  your  subjects  feel  proud  that  they 
have  never  opposed  you.  It  is  noble  to  rule  by  such  means;  this 

260 


APPENDIX 

was  the  empire  possessed  by  Louis  IX.,  Louis  XII.,  and  Henry 
IV.,  and  is  the  only  one  which  is  worthy  of  you. 

We  should  deceive  you,  Sire,  if  we  did  not  tell  you  that  this  is 
the  only  empire  that  it  will  be  possible  to  establish  in  France.  She 
will  never  allow  the  best  of  Kings  to  be  deceived  or  made  to 
swerve  from  the  noble  plan  which  he  has  traced  for  himself.  You 
have  summoned  us  to  settle  in  concert  with  you  the  constitution 
in  order  to  bring  about  the  reform  of  the  kingdom.  The  National 
Assembly  declares  that  your  wishes  will  be  accomplished,  that 
your  promises  will  not  be  made  in  vain,  that  neither  difficulties, 
terrors  nor  snares  will  retard  its  progress  nor  intimidate  its  courage. 

Our  opponents  will  say,  "  In  what  manner  does  the  presence  of 
the  troops  constitute  a  danger?  Why  should  the  Assembly  com- 
plain, as  they  are  incapable  of  cowardice?" 

Sire,  the  danger  is  pressing,  is  universal,  is  beyond  all  calcula- 
tions of  human  foresight.  The  danger  threatens  the  provinces. 
Once  they  became  alarmed  as  to  our  freedom  we  know  of  no  curb 
that  will  hold  them.  Distance  exaggerates  everything,  it  doubles 
all  anxieties,  embitters  and  envenoms  them. 

The  danger  threatens  the  capital. 

How  will  the  People,  already  immersed  in  poverty  and  tormented 
by  the  most  cruel  anxieties,  bear  to  divide  what  remains  for  its 
subsistence  amongst  a  crowd  of  threatening  soldiery?  The  presence 
of  the  troops  will  produce  a  general  excitement  and  disturbance, 
and  the  first  act  of  violence  committed  under  the  pretext  of  keep- 
ing order  may  be  the  commencement  of  a  series  of  horrible 
misfortunes. 

Danger  threatens  the  troops.  French  soldiers,  drawn  closer  to 
the  centre  of  these  discussions  and  sharing  the  passions  as  well  as 
the  interests  of  the  people,  may  forget  that  they  have  enlisted  as 
soldiers  and  may  remember  that  Nature  has  made  them  Men. 

Danger,  Sire,  threatens  our  labours,  which  are  our  first  duty, 

261 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

and  which  can  only  succeed  and  be  lasting  as  long  as  the  people 
consider  them  to  be  unfettered.  Besides  this  there  is  contagion  in 
all  excitement.  We  are  but  men ;  the  mistrust  of  ourselves,  the  fear 
to  appear  weak  may  drag  us  beyond  our  aim,  we  may  be  governed 
by  violent  and  unreasoning  counsels;  calm  and  cool  wisdom  do 
not  deliver  their  oracles  in  the  midst  of  tumults,  disorders  and 
quarrels. 

Sire,  the  danger  is  still  more  terrible,  and  you  may  judge  of  its 
extent  by  the  fear  that  causes  us  to  appear  before  you.  Great 
revolutions  have  arisen  from  smaller  causes.  Many  national  events 
have  proved  fatal  that  began  in  a  less  formidable  and  sinister 
manner.  Do  not  believe  those  who  speak  lightly  about  the  nation 
and  who  only  represent  it  according  to  their  own  views,  sometimes 
as  insolent,  rebellious  and  seditious;  sometimes  as  submissive, 
docile,  and  ready  to  bow  the  head  to  the  yoke.  Both  representa- 
tions are  equally  misleading. 

Sire,  we  are  always  ready  to  obey  you  because  you  rule  us  in 
the  name  of  Justice;  our  fidelity  is  beyond  all  limit  as  it  is  without 
suspicion. 

Ready  as  we  are  to  resist  all  the  arbitrary  commands  of  those 
who  abuse  your  authority  because  they  are  the  enemies  of  law, 
our  fidelity  to  you  is  the  cause  of  our  resistance,  and  we  are  proud 
to  deserve  the  reproaches  that  our  firmness  draws  upon  us. 

Sire,  we  implore  you  in  the  name  of  the  country,  in  the  name 
of  your  happiness,  and  of  your  glory,  send  back  your  soldiers  to 
their  posts  from  whence  your  counsellors  have  dragged  them. 
Send  back  the  artillery,  which  is  only  intended  to  defend  your 
frontiers;  above  all  send  away  those  foreign  troops,  those  mer- 
cenaries whom  we  pay  to  defend  but  not  to  trouble  our  hearths. 

Your  Majesty  does  not  need  them.  How  can  a  Monarch  who 
is  adored  by  twenty  millions  of  Frenchmen  surround  his  throne  at 
great  cost  with  a  few  thousand  foreigners? 

262 


APPENDIX 

Sire,  in  the  midst  of  your  children  be  guarded  by  their  love. 
The  deputies  of  the  nation  are  elected  in  order  to  consecrate  with 
your  help  the  rights  of  Royalty,  which  are  founded  on  the  im- 
mutable base  of  the  liberties  of  the  people;  but  when  they  fulfil 
their  duty,  when  they  yield  to  their  reason  and  their  feelings,  would 
you  then  expose  them  to  the  suspicion  of  having  only  yielded  to 
fear?  Ah!  the  authority  which  all  hearts  yield  willingly  to  you  is 
one  which  can  be  trusted,  the  only  one  which  is  without  blemish, 
it  is  the  just  return  for  all  your  favours,  and  the  immortal  appanage 
of  princes,  for  whom  you  will  be  the  example. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  NATIONAL  ASSEMBLY  TO  ITS 
CONSTITUENTS 

GENTLEMEN, 

The  Deputies  that  you  sent  to  the  States  General  were  for 
a  long  time  kept  in  a  state  of  distressing  inaction,  the  motives  for 
which,  however,  met  with  your  approval.  They  have  now  taken 
action  by  the  only  methods  which  appeared  to  be  compatible  with 
your  interests  and  rights. 

The  majority  of  the  clergy  declare  themselves  in  favour  of  re- 
union, an  influential  minority  of  the  nobles  manifested  the  same 
desire,  and  everything  in  France  pointed  to  the  dawning  of  an 
epoch  of  happiness  for  its  constitution.  Events,  of  which  you  are 
aware,  have  retarded  this  re-union,  and  have  given  the  aristocracy 
the  courage  to  persevere  in  holding  by  a  separation,  the  danger  of 
which  they  will  soon  perceive. 

A  panic  has  been  too  easily  created,  the  capital  is  in  a  state  of 
consternation,  the  place  in  which  we  are  at  this  moment  has  ex- 
perienced such  agitation,  that  we  were  obliged  to  take  precautions 
that  were  thought  necessary  but  which  were  nevertheless  alarming; 

263 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

it  is  evidently  our  duty  to  be  prepared  for  disasters  and  tumults, 
which  may  at  any  moment  be  the  result  of  the  present  extra- 
ordinary and  anxious  situation. 

"The  re-assembling  of  the  States  General  after  such  a  long 
interval,  the  disorders  which  preceded  its  meeting,  the  object 
of  its  labours,  so  unlike  those  for  which  your  ancestors  were  as- 
sembled," l  the  claims  advanced  by  the  nobles,  their  attachment  to 
barbarous  Gothic  laws,  and  above  all  the  extraordinary  methods 
which  were  used  in  order  to  procure  the  intervention  of  the  King ; 
these  and  other  causes  have  stirred  up  every  one's  emotions,  and 
the  state  of  ferment  in  which  the  kingdom  is  now  is  such,  that  we 
venture  to  say,  that  those  who  wish  to  use  violence  when  each  day 
shows  that  still  greater  discretion  is  required,  will  render  them- 
selves not  only  unworthy  of  the  name  of  Frenchmen,  but  will 
deserve  to  be  considered  as  incendiaries. 

For  all  these  reasons,  Gentlemen,  we  think  we  ought  to  put  be- 
fore you  our  true  position,  in  order  to  warn  you  against  all  ex- 
aggerations and  fears,  which  a  mistaken  zeal  or  guilty  intentions 

could  represent  as  now  prevailing. 

******* 

It  could  only  be  amongst  a  sordid  and  corrupt  class  that  our 
enemies  would  attempt  to  excite  tumults  and  revolts  which  would 
embarrass  and  retard  public  affairs. 

"  These,"  they  would  say,  "  are  the  fruits  of  liberty,  this  is  De- 
mocracy," they  would  have  no  shame  in  representing  the  People 
as  a  flock  of  madmen  whom  it  was  necessary  to  load  with  chains. 
They  would  pretend  to  ignore  that  this  same  "  People,"  always 
calm  and  well  behaved,  when  they  are  in  possession  of  their 
freedom,  are  only  violent  and  unruly  under  governments  where 
they  are  purposely  degraded,  in  order  that  there  may  be  some 
justification  for  treating  them  with  contempt. 

1  Quotation  from  the  King's  Speech, 
264 


APPENDIX 

There  are  many  cruel  men  who  are  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  the 
people  and  cause  the  events  of  which  the  consequence  is  infallibly 
to  augment  the  power  of  the  Government. 

Authority  when  preceded  by  terror  is  always  followed  by  slavery. 
Ah !  how  fatal  to  the  cause  of  Liberty  are  those  who  think  they 
can  attain  it  by  disturbances  and  revolts.  Do  they  not  see  that 
they  make  it  necessary  to  redouble  the  precautions  which  fetter 
the  people,  that  they  give  a  pretext  to  calumny,  that  they  alarm 
the  weaker  spirits,  and  encourage  those  who  have  nothing  to  lose, 
are  at  first  their  friends,  in  order  to  become  afterwards  their  most 
dangerous  enemies. 

Gentlemen,  the  number  of  our  enemies  is  much  exaggerated. 
Many  who  do  not  think  as  we  do,  are,  however,  far  from  deserv- 
ing this  odious  title.  To  give  expression  to  a  sentiment  is  often 
the  cause  of  its  accomplishment,  and  if  hatreds  are  too  easily 
imagined,  real  enmities  are  often  the  result. 

Our  fellow  citizens  who  like  us  are  only  wishing  for  the  welfare 
of  the  public,  but  who  are  pursuing  it  by  different  channels,  men 
who  are  led  away  by  the  prejudices  of  their  upbringing  and  the 
habits  of  their  childhood,  have  not  strength  to  resist  the  torrent. 
Men,  who  finding  us  in  a  new  position,  have  dreaded  that  our 
claims  would  be  unjust,  have  been  alarmed  as  to  the  safety  of 
their  property,  have  feared  that  Liberty  was  only  a  pretext  for 
license;  all  these  men  deserve  our  consideration.  We  may  pity 
some  of  them,  and  give  others  the  time  to  discover  their  errors 
and  try  to  enlighten  them,  and  not  let  our  differences  degenerate 
into  jealous  quarrels  or  factious  disputes. 

******* 

How  glorious  it  would  be  for  France  and  for  us  if  this  great 
Revolution  is  accomplished  without  costing  humanity  either  crimes 
or  tears ! 

The  smallest   states    have  often  achieved  the  semblance   of 

265 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

Liberty  at  the  cost  of  much  precious  blood.  One  nation,  proud  of 
the  virtues  of  its  constitution  and  scorning  the  vices  of  ours, 
suffered  a  generation  of  upheaval  and  civil  war  before  it  was  able 
to  enforce  its  laws.  Even  America,  taught  by  the  talents  of  others, 
and  rewarded  by  a  freedom  which  is  the  work  of  our  hands,  has 
only  enjoyed  these  inestimable  benefits  after  bloody  reverses  and 
long  and  doubtful  combats.  But,  Gentlemen,  we  hope  to  see  the 
same  changes  effected  solely  by  the  operation  of  patriotism  and  en- 
lightenment. Our  battles  will  only  be  those  of  words,  our  enemies 
will  only  be  so  on  account  of  prejudices,  which  we  shall  forgive, 
our  victories  will  not  be  those  of  cruelty,  our  triumphs  will  receive 
the  blessing  of  those  who  will  be  our  latest  converts. 

History  has  but  too  often  recorded  the  deeds  of  wild  beasts, 
amongst  whom  from  time  to  time  one  could  distinguish  a  few 
heroes.  Let  us  hope  that  we  are  beginning  to  make  the  history  of 
men,  of  brothers,  who  born  to  make  each  other  mutually  happy, 
agree  together,  even  in  their  differences,  for  their  aims  will  be 
identical,  even  if  the  means  they  employ  vary. 

******* 

If  we  consider  all  the  good  that  will  result  to  twenty-five  mil- 
lions of  men  from  the  establishment  of  a  legal  constitution  in 
place  of  a  capricious  government ;  if  the  gathering  together  of  all 
the  intelligence  and  enlightenment  will  enable  us  to  perfect  our 
laws,  to  reform  abuses,  to  reduce  taxes,  and  to  establish  economy 
in  our  finances  and  order  in  our  tribunals,  to  abolish  the  despotic 
regulations  that  cripple  our  industries  and  mutilate  all  human 
enterprise ;  if,  in  one  word,  we  establish  the  great  system  of  Liberty, 
which  while  founded  on  the  basis  of  freely  elected  municipalities, 
rises  gradually  to  the  administration  of  the  provinces,  and  attains 
its  perfection  in  the  annual  meeting  of  the  States  General;  if  we 
consider  all  the  advantages  which  will  result  from  this  restoration 
of  the  Liberties  of  this  vast  empire,  we  shall  feel  that  the  greatest 

266 


APPENDIX 

of  crimes,  the  blackest  treachery  to  humanity  would  be  to  oppose 
the  future  exalted  destiny  of  our  nation,  nd  to  re-plunge  it 
into  the  abysmal  depths,  to  keep  it  there,  pressed  down  by  the 
burden  of  all  its  chains. 

But  this  misfortune  could  only  be  the  result  of  the  numerous 
calamities  which  always  accompany  quarrels,  lawlessness,  and  all 
the  base  and  dismal  abominations  of  a  civil  war. 

Our  fate  will  depend  on  our  wisdom. 

The  establishment  of  Liberty  which  reason  will  assure  to  us 
can  only  be  rendered  doubtful  or  even  destroyed  by  the  use  of 
violence. 

These,  Gentlemen,  are  our  sentiments,  which  it  is  a  duty  we  owe 
to  ourselves  to  place  before  you.  It  is  important  that  we  should 
prove  to  you  that  in  our  pursuit  of  a  great  patriotic  design,  we  do 
not  swerve  from  the  right  means  of  attaining  it. 

Such  as  we  have  shown  ourselves  from  the  first  moment  when 
you  confided  to  us  your  highest  interests,  such  we  shall  always 
remain,  resolved  in  our  determination  to  work  in  concert  with  our 
King  not  only  for  temporary  benefits,  but  for  the  established  con- 
stitution of  the  Kingdom,  determined  to  see  eventually  our  fellow 
citizens  of  all  classes  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  innumerable  advan- 
tages which  are  assured  to  us  both  by  nature  and  by  Liberty,  to 
alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  peasants,  to  esteem  nothing  of  such 
importance  as  the  Law,  which  while  it  is  equal  for  every  one,  will 
be  the  common  safeguard  of  all;  to  labour  for  peace,  but  not  to 
be  willing  to  purchase  it  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  People's  Rights ; 
finally,  desiring  as  the  sole  reward  of  our  labours  to  see  all  the 
children  of  this  immense  country,  united  by  the  same  sentiments, 
happy  in  the  same  prosperity,  and  united  in  the  same  love  for 
the  fatherly  ruler  whose  reign  will  be  the  epoch  for  the  regenera- 
tion of  France. 


267 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 


LETTERS 

i 

J'apprends  Mon  cher  Dumont  avec  chagrin  pour  vous,  pour  moi 
et  surtout  pour  la  motion  que  n'ayant  6t£  que  suspendu  et  non 
ajournee,  elle  revient  demain,  je  vous  conjure  de  vous  lever  de 
bonne  heure,  de  faire  un  effort  de  he"roisme(?)  et  d'amitie  et 
d'arreter  dumoins  les  [illegible]  de  la  reponse,  vous  m'obligerez 
profondement  et  ce  qui  est  plus,  vous  ferez  je  crois  une  tres  bonne 
ceuvre. 

Voulez  vous  bien  dire  a  M.  Du  Roveray  de  Londres  que  M.  De 
la  Marck  le  prie  d'etre  chez  lui  demain  matin  a  8  heures. 

(Translation) 

I  hear  with  much  regret,  my  dear  Dumont,  both  for  myself,  for 
you  and  above  all  for  the  motion,  that  having  only  been  suspended, 
and  not  adjourned,  it  will  turn  up  again  to-morrow.  I  implore  you 
to  make  a  neighbourly  and  friendly  effort  and  to  get  up  early,  in 
order  to  draw  up  at  least  the  headings  of  the  answers,  and  besides 
obliging  me  enormously  you  will  also  do  a  most  excellent  work. 

Be  so  good  as  to  tell  M.  Du  Roverai  of  London  that  M.  De  la 
Marck  begs  him  to  come  and  see  him  to-morrow  morning  at 
8  o'clock. 

2 

J'oubliais  de  vous  dire  que  nous  avons  une  assemblee  demain 
matin,  peut-etre  meme  le  soir,  oui  le  soir,  et  aussi  ce  soir,  parceque 
la  chose  la  plus  inutile  pour  faire  une  constitution  c'est  la  reflexion. 
Voulez  vous  des  billets  pour  demain?  i4re  question  que  je  demande 
la  parole.  2*  question  .  .  .  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

(Translation) 

I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  there  is  an  Assembly  to-morrow  morning, 

268 


APPENDIX 

perhaps  even  in  the  evening  (yes,  it  is  in  the  evening),  and  also 
one  to-night,  for  evidently  the  last  thing  that  is  necessary  in  making 
a  constitution  is  to  take  time  for  reflexion,  etc. 

3 

Je  vous  avertis,  mon  cher  Dumont,comme  bon  et  franc  heretique, 
que  c'est  mardi  jour  de  la  vierge,  et  par  conse"quant  le  coup  de 
maitre  est  fait  pour  lundi.  J'avertis  mon  cher  Dumont  en  bon 
et  digne  ami,  que  je  passe  la  journee  au  coin  du  feu  ou  dans  mon 
lit,  attend  que  Ton  va  m'appliquer  les  sangsues.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

(Translation) 

I  warn  you,  my  dear  Dumont,  as  a  good  and  honest  heretic, 
that  next  day  being  Our  Lady's  day,  the  master  stroke  will  come 
off  on  Monday.  I  also  warn  my  dear  Dumont,  as  a  worthy  and 
good  friend,  that  I  am  spending  the  day  by  the  fireside  (or  perhaps 
in  bed)  waiting  till  they  come  and  apply  the  leeches.  Vale  et  me 
Ama. 

4 

J'ai  un  billet  pour  vous,  mon  cher  Dumont,  voulez  vous  que  je 
vous  mene?  vous  rendez  vous  de  votre  cote?  Vous  m'aviez  promis 
de  venir  ce  matin,  est  ce  pour  m'obliger  que  vous  manquez  a  votre 
engagement?  Vous  voudrez  bien  me  faire  repasser  1'inscription 
civique,  et  si  vous  m'avez  bien  entendu  sur  la  Montagne,  le  discour 
ministeriel  qu'au  reste  j'aime  bien  mieux  dans  vos  mains  que  dans 
les  miennes.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

(  Translation) 

I  have  a  note  for  you,  my  dear  Dumont,  do  you  wish  me  to 
call  for  you,  or  will  you  come  here?  You  promised  to  come  this 
morning ;  do  you  think  you  are  doing  me  a  favour  by  throwing 
over  your  engagement?  You  wished  me  to  look  over  the  civic 

269 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

inscription,  and  if  you  think  you  understood  me  about  la  Montagne 
the  ministerial  speech  will  be  much  better  in  your  hands  than  in 
mine.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

5 

Je  vous  renvoye,  mon  cher  Dumont,  la  polemique  Barnave.  II 
n'en  a  pas  e"te  question  a  la  societe  de  la  Revolution;  elle  n'a  etc" 
occupee  que  de  details  interieurs,  et  a  ce  propos  1'admission  des 
etrangers  a  etc"  vote"e. 

Voulez  vous  ajouter  deux  feuilles  que  je  reprendrais  demain 
matin,  i,  votre  reponse  a  1'objection  du  nombre  diminue'  des 
eligibles,  et  surtout  a  celle  de  substituer  une  loi  invitatoire  a  une 
injonctive.  Je  crois  avoir  bien  saisi  votre  pense"e,  mais  il  y  a 
longtemps  que  je  sais  qu'on  n'exprime  jamais  tres  bien  que  ce 
qu'on  a  congu  soi  meme.  Vale  et  me  Ama.  Soyez  pret  demain 
pour  dix  heures. 

(Translation) 

I  return  you,  my  dear  Dumont,  Barnave's  polemical.  It  was 
not  alluded  to  at  the  Society  of  the  Revolution,  which  was  only 
occupied  with  private  details,  and,  by  the  bye,  the  admission  of 
strangers  was  agreed  to.  Will  you  add  a  couple  of  pages  for  my 
answers  to-morrow?  ist,  your  reply  to  the  objections  to  the 
diminished  numbers  of  those  eligible  (for  election),  and  also 
answer  about  substituting  an  invitation  to  sit  instead  of  an  injunc- 
tion to  do  so.  I  think  I  have  grasped  your  idea,  but  for  a  long 
time  I  have  realized  that  one  can  never  well  express  anyone  else's 
conceptions.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

Be  ready  at  ten  to-morrow. 

6 

Voila  mon  tres  cher  ami  votre  me"taphisique,  qui  est  vraiment 
sublime.  Cependant  revoyez  le  style  puisque  vous  seul  etes  assez 

270 


APPENDIX 

difficile  pour  n'en  etes  pas  content  et  joignez  y  un  morceau  sur 
la  jeunesse  qui  ait  de  la  fraicheur,  et  un  sur  1'experience,  qui  ait 
de  la  sensibilite.  Le  style  est  un  hamegon  pour  les  franc.ais  comme 
la  raison  pour  les  Anglais.  Renvoyez  moi  le  plutot  que  vous 
pouvez  la  replique  de  Barnave.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

(Translation) 

Here,  my  dearest  friend,  are  your  "metaphysics,"  which  are 
really  sublime,  all  the  same  you  might  polish  up  the  style,  for  you 
are  so  particular  that  I  don't  think  it  will  quite  satisfy  you,  and  put 
in  a  bit  about  youth,  which  must  be  full  of  buoyancy;  and  another 
on  experience,  which  must  be  sympathetic. 

"Style"  is  as  much  a  bait  for  the  French  as  "argument"  is  for 
the  English.  Send  me  back  Barnave's  answer  as  soon 'as  you  can. 
Vale  et  me  Ama. 

7 

Le  Comte  de  la  Marck  a  saisi  non  avec  plaisir  mais  avec  recon- 
naissance, 1'entrevue  que  vous  lui  offrez,  soit  ce  matin  a  dix  heures 
soit  demain,  il  sera  a  vos  ordres,  mon  cher  Dumont,  mais  d'abord 
je  voudrois  bien  vous  voir  auparavant;  ensuite  vous  en  avez  vous 
meme  quelque  besoin  a  ce  que  j'imagine.  Dites  moi  done,  lequel 
de  nous  deux  passera  le  matin  chez  1'autre?  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

( Translation) 

The  Comte  de  la  Marck  has  accepted  (not  with  pleasure,  but 
with  thankfulness)  the  interview  that  you  propose  for  either  this 
morning  or  to-morrow.  At  ten  o'clock  he  will  be  at  your  orders, 
dear  Dumont,  but  I  should  like  to  see  you  first,  as  I  imagine  you 
will  have  some  affairs  of  your  own  to  attend  to  afterwards,  there- 
fore please  let  me  know  which  of  us  shall  pass  the  morning  with 
the  other?  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

271 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

8 

Je  vous  envoie  mon  cher  Dumont  les  iferes  feuilles  de  ce  dis- 
cour  qui  a  tant  besoin  que  vous  le  caressiez,  je  les  reprendrai 
en  allant  a  L'Assemble  oil  cependant  je  ne  comte  rpas  parler  ce 
matin.  Pe'tion  occupant  tres  longtemps  la  scene.  Pauvre  negre 
ayez  pitie  de  vos  freres.  Pour  moi  je  voudrais  bien  que  le  discour 
fut  bon,  mais  je  voudrais  surtout  que  vous  donassiez  avant  votre 
depart  un  jour  a  la  causerie  et  a  1'amitie.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

( Translation) 

I  am  sending  you,  my  dear  Dumont,  the  first  sheets  of  this 
speech,  which  is  much  in  want  of  your  loving  attention.  I  -.vill 
fetch  it  on  my  way  to  the  Assembly,  where,  however,  I  do  not 
expect  to  speak  this  morning,  Pe'tion  having  occupied  the  scene 
for  so  long.  Poor  slave !  pity  your  brother  blacks  !  As  for  me,  I 
hope  the  speech  will  be  a  good  one.  I  hope  still  more  that  before 
you  leave  you  will  spare  me  a  day  in  the  cause  of  friendship  and 
for  the  sake  of  a  good  talk.  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

9 

Je  vois  Mon  cher  Dumont,  que  1'on  avoisine  votre  idee,  et 
q'assurement  elle  passera,  aumoins  dans  une  certaine  latitude  de 
temps.  Je  vous  prie  done,  mon  bon  ami,  d'achever  votre  ouvrage. 
C'est  de  1'Assemblee  meme  que  j'ecris,  elle  est  terrible  aujourd'hui. 
L'affair  de  Toulon  a  tout  mis  en  feu.  Le  commandant  de  la 
Marine  et  une  partie  de  la  garnison  sont  prisonniers.  La  coali- 
tion entre  le  crocodile  et  1'ichneumon  n'est  certainement  pas 
faite.  L'Aristocracie  est  outragee;  il  faut  qu'elle  ait  des  esper- 
ances,  car  elle  n'a  pas  meme  le  courage  du  desespoir.  Vale  et 
me  Ama. 

Je  verrai  ce  soir  le  pacolet  Mounier. 

2/2 


APPENDIX 

(Translation) 

I  see,  my  dear  Dumont,  that  your  idea  is  being  considered,  and 
that  it  will  be  adopted  after  a  certain  time.  I  therefore  beg  you, 
my  dear  friend,  to  get  the  work  completed.  I  am  writing  from  the 
Assembly,  it  is  in  a  terrible  state  to-day.  The  Toulon  business 
has  set  the  whole  place  on  fire.  The  naval  commander  and 
part  of  the  garrison  are  prisoners.  The  coalition  between  the 
crocodile  and  the  ichneumon  is  not  yet  accomplished !  The 
aristocracy  is  outraged  !  It  must  have  some  hopes  left,  as  it  has 
not  even  the  courage  of  despair !  Vale  et  me  Ama. 

I  shall  see  this  evening  the  "pacolet  Mounier." 


REFERENCES  TO  THE  PRINCIPAL  CHARACTERS 

BARNARVE,  guillotined  as  a  Royalist  1793,  aged  32. 

BARRERE  DE  VIEUZAC,  one  of  the  most  violent  of  the  Revolu- 
tionists, and  though  a  friend  of  Robespierre  was  not  involved  in 
his  fall,  and  was  afterwards  employed  by  Bonaparte  to  edit  a 
paper,  and  was  attached  to  the  police.  On  the  fall  of  Napoleon 
he  took  refuge  in  Belgium,  but  returned  to  Paris  and  died  in 
1839. 

BRISSOT,  VERGNIAUD,  GENSONNE,  GAUDET  were  all  executed 
with  other  Girondistes  on  the  3ist  of  October,  1793. 

CHAMPFORT,  who  wrote  "  Eloges  au  Moliere  et  La  Fontaine  " 
and  "  Mustapha,"  a  tragedy,  destroyed  himself  to  evade  the  guillo- 
tine in  1794. 

CLAVIERE,  DUROVERAI,  and  REYBAZ  were  of  the  inner  circle 
of  Mirabeau's  friends  and  helpers. 

CLAVIERE,  who  was  involved  in  the  fall  of  the  Girondistes,  was 
arrested  and  sent  to  the  tribunal,  but  put  an  end  to  his  own  life 
in  prison,  December,  1793,  at  the  age  of  58.  This  he  did  in 

273  T 


THE  GREAT  FRENCHMAN 

order  to  prevent  the  confiscation  of  his  estates,  which  were  thus 
preserved  to  his  family. 

CONDORCET,  the  friend  of  Voltaire  and  D'Alembert,  was  de- 
nounced by  Robespierre  as  a  Girondiste,  escaped,  but  arrested, 
and  took  poison  to  avoid  the  scaffold,  1793. 

CAMILLE  DESMOULINS  was  educated  with  Robespierre  and  was 
Danton's  secretary.  Arrested  by  order  of  Robespierre,  March  31, 
1794,  and  guillotined  on  the  5th  of  April  of  the  same  year. 

DUMOURIEZ  had  succeeded  Lafayette  in  the  command  of  the 
army  of  the  north.  After  the  execution  of  the  King  he  wished  to 
resign,  but  was  not  allowed  to  do  so  by  the  Convention.  After 
the  failure  of  his  campaign  his  troops  revolted  and  he  retired  to 
Switzerland,  where  he  published  his  memoirs.  A  sum  of  300,000 
francs  was  offered  for  his  head.  He  retired  to  England  and  died 
in  his  eighty-fifth  year,  in  1823,  at  Henley-on-Thames. 

MALLOUET,  a  liberal  Royalist,  escaped  from  Paris  after  the  Sep- 
tember massacres  and  came  to  England,  returned  to  France  in 
1 80 1,  served  as  a  Prefect  of  Antwerp  under  Bonaparte,  and 
was  a  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Peers  in  the  reign  of  Louis 
XVIII. 

MOUNIER,  a  liberal  Royalist,  retired  to  Geneva.  Returned  to 
France  in  1804,  was  nominated  counsellor  of  State,  died  in  1806. 

PETION  had  been  mayor  of  Paris  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revo- 
lution, was  proscribed  with  the  other  Girondistes,  but  escaped  and 
fled  to  Landes  near  Bordeaux,  where  his  body  was  found  half  de- 
voured by  wolves. 

Due  DE  LA  ROCHEFOUCAULD  after  the  closing  of  the  Assembly 
offered  the  King  an  asylum.  Went  in  1792  to  the  United  States, 
returned  in  1798.  Was  in  the  Chamber  of  Peers  in  1814,  and 
died  in  1827. 

ROLAND,  committed  suicide  on  hearing  of  the  execution  of  his 
wife. 

274 


APPENDIX 

THE  ABBE  SIEVES  survived  the  Revolution,  and  was  consul 
with  Bonaparte  and  Ducos.  Resigned  in  1799,  and  was  given  a 
grant  of  money  and  land.  Was  exiled  on  the  return  of  the  Bour- 
bons, but  returned  to  France  in  1830,  and  died  in  1836. 


CHISWICK  PRESS  :   PRINTED  BY  CHARLES  WHITTINGHAM  AND  CO. 
TOOKS  COURT,  CHANCERY  LANE,  LONDON. 


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